
Coligação Democrática Unitária / Unitary Democratic Coalition

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The Unitary Democratic Coalition (Coligação Democrática Unitária -CDU) PCP-PEV is a political an electoral coalition established between the Portuguese Communist Party (Partido Comunista Português-PCP) and the Ecologist Party „The Greens” (Portuguese: Partido Ecologista „Os Verdes”-PEV). The coalition also includes the political movement Democratic Intervention (Intervenção Democrática-ID). The coalition was formed in 1987. PCP is the major force inside it. Communists have the majority of places in all electoral lists of the CDU. PEV holds some mandates in local assemblies, but, following the 2022 January elections, it lost its parliamentary representation. Today the CDU is represented in the Portuguese parliament only by the Communists. The coalition has been always in opposition. However, it supported the minority Socialist Government (2015–2019) with a confidence and supply agreement.
The PCP was founded in 1921, joining the Comintern in 1923. In effect it is the oldest Portuguese political party with uninterrupted existence. The party was banned after the 1926 military coup but the PCP went underground and continued its activities. It played a major role in the opposition against the dictatorial regime of António de Oliveira Salazar. It enjoyed a huge popularity after the end of dictatorship in 1974. In the elections between 1976 and 1985 the Communists won 15-20% of votes in national and local elections. The Party is popular particularly in the rural areas of Alentejo and Ribatejo (centre of the country) and industrialized areas such as Lisbon and Setúbal, where it leads several municipalities.
PEV was established in 1982. It was the first ecologist party in the political history of Portugal. The party has had a close relationship with the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) since its foundation.
TOP MED
Paulo Raimundo
He became the leader of the party in November 2022. He replaced Jerónimo Carvalho de Sousa who had been the chairman since 2004. Raimundo was born in 1976 and lived in Setúbal from the age of 3, where his parents settled and worked. He joined the Portuguese Communist Youth in 1991. In the following four years, he rose to its Secretariat. In 1994, he became a member of the Portuguese Communist Party. Two years later, he was invited to join the Central Committee. In 2000, he was elected to the Political Committee of the Central Committee. In 2016 was chosen to join the Secretariat of the PCP.
Paula Santos
He is a leader of the parliamentary group. She was elected to this post after the January 2022 elections. Santos was born in Setúbal in 1980. She is a chemist by education. She has been member of the Portuguese Assembly elected by the constituency of Setúbal since 2009. She is also member of the Central Committee of the PCP.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections
European elections
Attitude to the EU
The PCP wants the EU to become „another project”. The party declares that finds itself „on the opposite side of what the European Union is today”. Meanwhile, the Portugal Communists perceives the EU as a „heritage of civilizational imperial conquests” dominated by huge international companies, rich people and organization which is unable to resist globalization. According to the party the Union is responsible for health cuts, raise of the retirement age, or precariousness of workers. PCP defends Portugal’s exit from the euro and that it is necessary to remove it for Portugal to be able to develop.
European alliances
The PCP, the dominating force of the CDU cooperates within the EU particularly with the other communist parties. In consequence, in the European Parliament, PCP within the framework to European United Left/Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) cooperates closely with Workers’ Party of Belgium, Cypriot Progressive Party of Working People, Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia and the United Left from Spain.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Marxism-Leninism
The Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) is a Marxist-Leninist political party. It defines the Marxism-Leninism as a "materialist and dialectical conception of the world, a scientific instrument for analysing reality and a guide for action that is constantly enriched and renewed, responding to new phenomena, situations, processes and development trends. The PCP operates “in the spirit of proletarian internationalism, of cooperation between communist parties and between revolutionary and progressive forces, of solidarity with the workers of other countries and with peoples struggling against exploitation and political, social and national oppression.”
Anti-Imperialism
The party presents itself as a strongly anti-Imperialist and anti-colonial force. The PCP declares that fights "against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism, racism, xenophobia and fascism - for freedom, democracy, social progress, national independence, peace and socialism".
Pro-Russian position
The PCP has always had close relations with Russia and, before that, the Soviet Union. It confirmed that after the full-scale Russian aggression against Ukraine undertaking strongly anti-Ukrainian position. For instance, on 21 April 2022, after the president of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelensky, Paula Santos, the leader of the parliamentary group addressed the Assembly and declared that his speech "served to encourage confrontation, clearly visible in the call for more weapons and sanctions". She also stated that Zelensky is xenophobic and warmongering.
PERSPECTIVES
The support for the CDU has decreased considerably in the recent years. This decline of popularity is even more striking if we compare the results of PCP in the 80s. of the 20th century (almost 20%) and today. At the end of 2022, the CDU enjoyed the support of around 5% of voters. Its future will depend on the ability of new leadership of the Communist party to regain at least some voters. Nevertheless, there is highly unlikely that the party will become an important force on the Portugal political scene.
KEY POSITIONS
Official website
Program

arti du Travail de Belgique / Partij van de Arbeid van België / The Workers' Party of Belgium

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The Workers’ Party of Belgium(PTB/PVDA) I the only relevant national and unitary Belgian political party, i.e. not divided along linguistic and political lines between Flanders, Wallonia and Brussels. . The PTB/PVDA identifies itself since the beginning as a Marxist, anti-capitalist party. However Today it is the only far left soft Eurosceptic party in Belgium that enjoys a substantial popularity. The party was founded in 1979 in the context of the Cold War (and especially after the Vietnam War) when some young activists considered the Communist Party of Belgium as being too close to social democracy. From the beginning, the movement was inspired by the revolutionary movements throughout the world and supported them in particular the guerillas of Latin America. Despite more than forty years of existence, the party only obtained its first elected members in the Belgian federal parliament in 2014. The further rise of popularity allowed it to obtain 12 deputies in 2019. This success can be explained by a sudden change in the party in the mid-2000s. Indeed, without renouncing its Marxist principles, the party tried to reinvent itself in 2008 by proposing less radical positions and making an end to past controversies, such as its relations with revolutionary groups and movements or the Stalinist positions of Ludo Martens, the party’s founder. The reformist evolution of the party was successfully led by Peter Mertens. In 2019, the PTB/PVDA obtained its first seat in the European Parliament.
LEADER
Raoul Hedebouw
He is a current leader of the party. He was the national spokesman of the PTB/PVDA between 2008 and 2021. He participated in the refoundation of the party, He was elected the president of the Workers’ Party of Belgium (PTB/PVDA) in December 2021. He is local councilor in Liege as well as federal deputy since the legislative elections of 2014.
TOP MED
Peter Mertens
He is a fomer leader of the PTB/PVDA. He was president of the PTB/PVDA from 2008 to 2021. Since 2019, he is a member of the Federal Chamber. Mertens is the one who reformed the party by rebuilding its political offer around more moderate positions – while maintaining its Marxist anti-capitalist foundations.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2014-2019
EP election results 2014-2019
Attitude to the EU
The party has for a long time largely ignored the European level. One of the reason was evidently its incapacity first to have enough visibility at the national level. Second reaching representation at the European Parliament only in 2019, the attitude towards the EU was not a major issue on its agenda. In 2019 though the party was campaigning on a Eurosceptic platform. They followed the line of their European party affiliation GUE-NGL. The PTB/PVDA rejected the idea of renegotiation of EU treaties proposing instead to ignore them. Hence, the PTB/PVDA is opposed to a federalist union and considers the European Union as corrupt, capitalists and bureaucratic. Critics towards the European Union are especially linked to financial matters as the PTB/PVDA is still advocating for a communist economy.
European alliances
PTB/PVDA is part of The Left in the European Parliament (GUE-NGL) at the European level. As a relatively small political force, the party does not have an important influence within the group. Especially that the party only gained one seat in 2019. However, as a Communist party, the PTB/PVDA has special relationship with parties which are similar to it and are members of GUE-NGL.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Anti-capitalism
The party is against the capitalist model and continues to follow a so-called Marxist posture. The PTB/PVDA often repeats that it is in favor of people and not of profit. The party thus militates for an increase in wages and pensions, in particular by targeting the class of 'workers' in particular. It is for the reduction of hardship at work and extended social protections, in particular the health system.
Environment protection
The party defends what is calls the ‘RedGreen New Deal’ in reference to the EU’s green deal. The PTB/PVDA defends the necessity to implement a radical environmental transition focusing investments favoring green energies, a renewal of consumption and helping to achieve a social, human and inclusive transformation of the society.
Anti-Imperialism
The PTB/PVDA is against the membership to NATO for Belgium and is regularly criticizing Western (and especially US) “imperialism”. The PTB/PVDA refuses any military intervention and focuses its international relations positions on the search for peace. This position became once again visible after the full-scale Russian aggression against Ukraine. the PTB/PVDA is minimizing the responsibility of Russia and is criticizing the West for its support to Ukraine. In addition to Russia, the PTB/PVDA has expressed several times positive remarks on Communist China.
PERSPECTIVES
The PTB/PVDA based on ultra-radical principles linked to Marxism, has been fairly unsuccessful for many years. However, following a reformist agenda in the late 2010s the party achieved better results gaining representatives in both national and European parliaments. Since its recent successes, the PTB/PVDA is rising and at the end of 2022 it occupied the fourth place in the opinion polls The party is particularly popular in Wallonia (almost 20%) and to a lesser degree in the Brussels region (around 15%). By comparison in Flanders its support oscillates around 8%. The party is expected to perform well in the forthcoming Belgium federal elections in 2024. With the weakening of the traditional left, the question of its at least support for a new government may become a realistic scenario.
KEY POSITIONS

Juiste Antwoord 2021 / Right Answer 2021

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The party was founded in December 2020 as a split from the Forum for Democracy (FvD) following an internal dispute over the party leadership’s response to allegations of racism, antisemitism and homophobia in light of the management of its youth wing. The dispute involved Joost Eerdmans and Annabel Nanninga, on the one hand, and the party leader Thierry Baude “famous” of his repeated radical statements. Ja21 wants to be more moderate than FvD filling the gap between center-right VVD and radical right PVV. Ja21 put itself as the true right in the Netherlands. In 2020 Ja21 “gained” eight seats in the First Chamber and three seats in the European Parliament due to the defection of former FvD members. The party participated in the parliamentary elections of March 2021. With almost 2.5%, the Ja21 won three seats in the Second Chamber.
FOUNDER
Joost Eedermans
„Joost” Eerdmans is a Dutch politician, broadcaster and former civil servant who has served as leader of Ja21 since its establishment. He co-founded the party back in late 2020 with Annabel Nanninga. Eerdmans had previously served as a member of the House of Representatives (2002-2006) for the Pim Fortuyn List and as an independent. After 2006 he quit politics for a while but came back as a secretary to Mayor of Rotterdam a few years later. Leading the Ja21 campaign in 2021 general election, after leaving FvD just a few weeks, he was successfully elected to the House of Representatives.
LEADER
Annabel Nanninga
Annabel Nanninga is a Dutch politician and journalist who is the co-founder of the Ja21 party. She currently leads the party in the Senate and is a representative of the Provincial Council of North Holland. After a career in journalism, she joined FvD as party leader for the 2018 Dutch municipal elections in Amsterdam when she was elected as Councillor. She gained another success as representative of North Holland in 2019 but then decided to leave FvD late 2020 and build Ja21 together with Eedermans.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National election
Attitude to the EU
Following a soft Eurosceptic attitude, Ja21 is vocal in its opposition to the further integration of the EU preferring its reversal but remains moderate, accepting the membership in the EU. Ja21 particularly criticizes the idea of federalization of the EU (under a Franco-German leadership) which would be against Dutch interests. Ja21 prefers a EU keeping its focus predominantly if not exclusively on economic cooperation. The party is critical towards monetary, defence as well as migration initiatives coming from Brussels. Moreover, Ja21 is against economic solidarity as it would imply the Netherlands transferring money to poorer states. Finally, Ja21 is in favour of revising treaties and of a referendum on the sustainability of the Euro currency.
European alliances
Ja21 is a soft-Eurosceptic party affiliated to the European Conservatives and Reformists group. Even if a recent political party, Ja21 has 3 MEPs in the European Parliament with the joining of politicians from FvD (the fifth biggest representation in the group ex aquo with two other parties, but accounting for only 5% of its MEPs). In July 2021 Ja21 signed a common declaration of soft Eurosceptic parties and participated in summits organized by them in 2021 and 2022.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Dutch interests first
Ja21 is supportive of the idea of putting Dutch interests at the centre of Dutch government action. According to its politicians, it is not the case at the moment especially because of the institutional setup of the European Union. Ja21 wants to revise Dutch participation in the EU while reducing any contribution/participation of Dutch to collective efforts and endeavours if it does not serve first and foremost Dutch interests.
Economic liberalism
Ja21 is labelling itself a liberal party when it comes to economy. The party stands for less regulatory burden, tax relief and is supportive of entrepreneurs “who make the Netherlands a great country”. In general terms, the party is in favour of reducing all barriers at the national level while reforming the Dutch participation at the EU level by decreasing decisively its net payments to the EU budget.
Anti-immigration
Ja21 is speaking about the necessity for the Netherlands to control its borders and re-shape its own asylum and immigration policy. Ja21 often mentions the positive example of Denmark as a possible solution within the EU. According to them, immigration must be severely restricted. As an example, they want to put an end to asylum policy in the Netherlands which they see as a “subsidized industry”. In parallel, as they perceive a failure of integration policy, they believe that remigration is a reasonable solution for the country.
PERSPECTIVES
Since 2021 general elections, Ja21 has established itself as a major political force in Dutch politics increasing its support until the end of 2022 to 6-8% (the 4-5th place). It is not only benefitting from a continuous FvD’s slide in polls, the party also expanded to other segments of the population. If Ja21 manages to maintain or even increase its popularity Ja21 could become a serious contender for the next general elections (scheduled for 2025). Indeed, within an environment of general dissatisfaction (symbolized by the fall of VVD and the emergence of ephemeral political forces such as BBB) in a deeply fragmented political system, Ja21 could become a king maker in the future.

Partij voor de Dieren / Party for the Animals

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
Partij voor de Dieren/Party for the Animals/ (PvdD) was founded in October 2002 by Marianne Thieme who headed the party for subsequent 17 years. The PvdD became a single-issue political party. Its main purpose is the defense of animal rights. The party was established as an expression of disapproval of the animal policies of the various government cabinets. Criticism is also directed at parties more sensitive to this issue, such as the Green Left, which according to the PvdD, do not give enough importance to animal welfare and animal rights. Due to the specificity of the Dutch proportional system, although minor, the party could 'easily’ obtain parliamentary seats. The PvdD presents itself as being neither of the right nor of the left, and suggests that the theme of animals should transcend political divisions. In the 2006 parliamentary elections, the party became the first anti-speciesist party in the world to be represented in a national assembly. It has also managed to enter the European Parliament since 2014. The PvdD has succeeded in expanding their representation in local and national elections, for instance, from 2 MPs to 6 in the House of Representatives. However, the party has remained in opposition since its establishment.
LEADER
Esther Ouwehand
He is leader of the PvdD. She quickly became a member of the party after its foundation in 2002. In 2004 she was appointed coordinator of the political bureau and in 2006 she was elected to the Second Chamber. She was re-elected in 2010, 2012, 2017 and 2021. In 2019, she succeeded Marianne Thieme as party leader and parliamentary group chairwoman and was reconfirmed at the 2020 Congress.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2012 - 2021
EP election results
Attitude to the EU
The party is generally critical towards the EU which according to it is not doing enough in critical fields such as – obviously – the defence of animal rights but also regarding the environment and climate change (including in the field of agriculture where the party is advocating against the Common Agricultural Policy and against any continental free trade agreements such as CETA or TTIP) as well as when it comes to social rights. The party is also advocating for more democracy, asking institutions to come closer to citizens and to translate their demands into action. Finally, and more generally the party is calling the EU to stop asking for more powers and competences and is opposed to any enlargement of EU mandates (including geographical enlargements). The party also presents a sceptical attitude towards the euro. In the past it advocated return to the national currency. Currently, the PvdD postulates to prepare the exit strategy from the Eurozone if the financial crisis repeats. In this case, the Eurozone should be divided into two areas: the North and the South.
European alliances
PvdD is part of The Left in the European Parliament (GUE-NGL) at the European level. As a relatively small political force, the party does not have an important influence within the group. However, since the party is present at the EU level since 2014, it managed to establish its network. In addition, as the first animalist party to enter a national parliament, PvdD is the leading political force in this field in Europe. Indeed, the party is leading an alliance for Animal Rights Parties called Animal Politics EU which gathers political movements from different countries including Belgium, Cyprus, France, Germany, Italy, Portugal, Sweden and Spain.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Animals Rights
It has been the most important topic of the party since its foundation. It was even initially the reason of its foundation and the reason for the presence of PvdD in national and European Parliaments. One of its main position is to end the exploitation of animals in any form and more generally to grant them with an extensive set of rights with a reference into the national Constitution.
Environment protection
The them of environment is directly link with the issue of animal right which is one of its component. The party very often saying that humans and animals live on the same planet and should benefit together of important governmental action when it comes to environmental protection. It includes protection of biodiversity, a change in energy production and consumption as well as a greater role of the Netherlands (as an important polluter) in global actions against climate change.
Economic system change
To guarantee animal rights as well as environment-friendly behavior, the party also believes that the Netherlands and Europe should transform radically their economic system. For PvdD, the only economy that is sustainable is an economy that remains within the carrying capacity of the Earth and that is socially just. The current economic system being unjust, unstable and unsustainable.
PERSPECTIVES
Considered as a “political joke” at its beginnings, the PvdD is now a well-established political party. At the end of 2022 around 6% of voters expressed their intention to vote for the party. Since the change of the leadership in 2019, the traditional one-issue party seems to have ambitions for a bigger role on the political scene. Indeed, the party is extending its action on multiple topics and is more and more vocal on societal and wider environmental issues. More than this, the party is now ready to discuss potential governing coalitions in the future.

Mi Hazánk Mozgalom/Our Homeland Movement

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The party was founded by László Toroczkai and several politicians who left the Jobbik Movement after the 2018 parliamentary elections when Jobbik abandoned its radical right-wing ideology. Mi Hazánk is the continuation of the radical wing of Jobbik. Although, MHM only reached 3% in the 2019 European elections, it was able to further increase their popularity ahead of the 2022 general elections. The party focused on topics that are deemed too extreme for mainstream parties, even for Jobbik and Fidesz. During the electoral campaign, MHM gained to a certain degree a tactical and indirect support of the government for instance, access to public media. The pandemic and the disinformation that came with it strengthened the party as their members and audiences are prone to believe in conspiracy theories. They opposed COVID-restrictions and mandatory vaccination. With these narratives and their “anti-war” (pro-Russian) stance, they were able to enter the National Assembly in April 2022.
LEADER
László Toroczkai
He is president and co-founder of Our Homeland Movement, former mayor of Ásotthalom. Currently, he is a MP. He was previously member of the radical right MIÉP party and later the similarly radical right Jobbik party. He was also the vice president of Jobbik, until his lost bid for the presidency of the party in 2018. After the defeat, he was excluded from the party and established “Our Homeland” aiming at return to the original goals pursued by Jobbik, including to halt immigration, stop the emigration of the Hungarian youth to the western Europe, take a tough line on Hungary’s Roma minority, and to support strongly the ethnic Hungarian minorities in neighboring states.
TOP MED
Dóra Dúró
He is vice-president of Our Homeland, and Member of Parliament. She was member of former radical right-wing party Jobbik from 2005 and the party’s MP from 2010-2018. Until the April 2022 elections she was the only MP of Our Homeland. She is notable for her ultra-conservative pro-family and anti-LGBTQ statements.
Előd Novák
He is a MP and deputy-chairman of Our Homeland. Similarly, to Toroczkai he was previously the member of the radical right MIÉP party and later the radical right Jobbik party. He was one of the MPs and deputy chairmen of Jobbik between 2010-2016. He was forced by the party’s parliamentary group to resign from his position as an MP in 2016. He joined MHM in 2018. He is notable for his strong anti-EU and anti-West sentiment. He burned the European Union’s flag at an anti-EU demonstration organized by Jobbik in 2012.
NATIONAL ELECTION
Attitude to the EU
MHM has a very negative attitude towards the EU. Mi Hazánk perceives it as anti-national far left super state which aims at the destruction of European nations, nation states, and traditional values. because the country should defend its independence and sovereignty against the “dictatorship” of the EU. Therefore, the party believes that Hungary should exit the Union and wants to organize a referendum on that.
European alliances
After their electoral success in 2022 MHM is trying to establish some pan-European connections with similar extreme right parties, although the party’s nativist and strongly pro-Russian sentiments may obstruct that international opening. In effect, even if it wins in the 2024 European elections at least one seat in the European Parliament, that requires to gain 6% of votes in Hungary, MHM, because of its extremism, will remain outside of any political group.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Anti-West and Pro-Russia
MHM expressed strongly anti-EU, anti-NATO and anti-globalism sentiments. Since the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian war, the politicians of “Our Homeland” have supported Hungary's complete neutrality, opposing economic sanctions against Russia, arms aid to Ukraine and the country's accelerated accession to the EU. The party sees the war as a plot by the World Economic Forum to weaken Russia, hence it also opposes deployment of NATO-troops on Hungarian soil.
COVID-skepticism
MHM benefited from a lot of conspiracy theories related to COVID which flourished in Hungary during the pandemic. The party blamed the Bilderberg group, multinational corporations, and Big Pharma for the COVID pandemic. Mi Hazánk was skeptical about the seriousness of the epidemic, and spoke of exaggerated reactions, panic-mongering and over-strict measures. As no other serious political party campaigned with this topic, “Our Homeland” successfully thematized it.
Hungarian nationalism (anti-Roma sentiment and reunification of Hungarians)
Mi Hazánk is undeniably anti-Gypsy, as it fear that the Gypsy population will overtake the ethnic Hungarian in 20-40 years, and this would mean the « end of Hungary ». They believe that Roma people are not a useful part of the society as – in their opinion - they produce children only to get social benefits, then they let the children to be criminals and drug addicts on the streets. Mi Hazánk cultivates ressentiments concerning the division of historical Hungary after the First World War (Trianon syndrome). Therefore it promotes Hungarian irredentism calling for “peaceful” change of borders and reunification of ethnic Hungarians in one state.
PERSPECTIVES
The competition between Mi Hazánk and Fidesz for far-right voters will continue in the next four years. Our Homeland could benefit from the political clashes with Fidesz and it has a potential to grow ahead of the 2024 European Parliamentary and 2026 general elections. They anti-EU and anti-West sentiments are reinforced by the narratives and communication of the government, so MHM could benefit from the worsening relations between the EU and Fidesz. The party’s ability to successfully thematize issues that are left out by the mainstream means that the party will probably try to bring in new topics to the political discourse in the hope of gaining attention and supporters. This can mean the topic of abortion, anti-LGBTQ issues and a possible referendum on EU membership. The further fragmentation of the opposition, and especially the decline of Jobbik’s popularity can increased support for Our Homeland. This shift is already visible as opinion polls after the elections found that Our Homeland is the most popular opposition party with support of almost 10%. This however could be only a temporary phenomenon of gravity towards “winning” parties, as MHM is generally seen as a successful party after they entered the National Assembly.

BoerBurgerBeweging / The Farmer–Citizen Movement

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
BBB was founded in October 2019 by journalist Caroline van der Plas, after huge farmers protests. In October 2020, she was unanimously chosen as the party’s leader. The Farmer–Citizen Movement won one seat at the 2021 general election. The party is headquartered in Deventer, Overijssel.
FOUNDER
Caroline Van der Plas
She is co-founder of the BoerBurgerBeweging. Currently she serves as the only member of the House of Representatives on behalf of BBB. She is daughter of sport journalist from Deventer. Her mother, of Irish descent was an alderman in Deventer for many years on behalf of the Christian democratic party (CDA). Van der Plas worked for many years as a journalist writing about the meat industry. She occupied post of chief editor of Pig Business and Pluimveeweb. Van der Plas also worked as a communication officer for the Dutch Association of Pig Farmers. She was a member of the CDA, but she left the party after the Provincial Council elections 2019, criticizing the reduced support for the agricultural sector within the party.
TOP MED
Erik T.W. Stegink
He is party chairman of the BoerBurgerBeweging (BBB). Stegink co-founded the party together with Caroline van der Plas. In the 2021 parliamentary elections, he was third on the BBB’s list of candidates and received almost 4,500 votes. Prior to this, Stegink was politically active for over 25 years in local government in Deventer and its surroundings. After the municipal elections of 2022, Stegink was appointed as an official in the municipality of Medemblik. He is a pig farmer.
NATIONAL ELECTION
Attitude to the EU
BBB supports reform of the eurozone and calls for its division into a „Northern currency” and a “Southern currency”. In addition, according to the Farmer–Citizen Movement, the eurozone should not be expanded further. BBB perceives the Netherlands is a trading country per se. Therefore, the party is against a “Nexit” from the EU. The party supports Dutch membership of the EU mainly for trading purposes but wants to reduce the power of the EU „to a level of how the EEC was once intended” and opposes the EU becoming a “Federal Superstate”.
European alliances
BBB as a new party did not run in the last elections to the European Parliament in 2019 and it has a very tiny representation on the Dutch political scene. As far as its program (soft Euroscepticism) is concerned, the party seems to be predestined to join the European Conservatives and Reformists in the future. However, it must keep the current support in order to win a relevant representation in the European Parliament.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Countryside and agriculture
BBB defines itself as De stem van en voor het platteland ("The voice of and for the countryside"). BBB supports all initiatives that contribute to development of sustainable agriculture and horticulture. The party idealizes the countryside (a harmonious coexistence and cooperation between “normal and ordinary” people within villages and small towns). BBB stands up especially for the Dutch citizens, who do not recognize themselves in the government policy aimed at large cities.
Welfare state
The Farmer–Citizen Movement believes that the retirement age should be lowered to 65 if someone has worked for 40 years or has had a physically demanding profession. The Dutch pension system should not be replaced by a so-called European model, which is dominated by “market forces” and in which employers are no longer involved. Large companies must pay more income tax and also rich people should pay much higher taxes than they do now.
Against political correctness (history, immigration, climate)
According to the Farmer–Citizen Movement, the government should not apologize for the Netherlands’ participation in the slave trade before 19th century because the current Dutch people did not take part in it. The party rejects the idea of quotas for women and various minorities in public administration or on party lists. BBB assumes, that people who have been convicted of discrimination should be allowed to work for the public administration. BoerBurgerBeweging believes that “everyone deserves a second chance”. BBB wants to cancel the national climate agreement because it is unrealistic, unaffordable, and allegedly has no public support. A new realistic agreement must be reached based on facts and feasibility. According to BoerBurgerBeweging, the government should be committed to the policy “less immigration”. “Economic fortune seekers” without work and income should not be admitted in the Netherlands or deported to their own country as soon as possible. The Netherlands can only accept genuine war victims or seriously threatened people.
PERSPECTIVES
BBB is a new party in the Dutch parliament. It experienced a huge increase of support in opinion polls in 2021-2022 from 1% in the latest national elections to above 10% in Summer 2022. It benefited from the novelty effect and charismatic (mediatic) personality of Van der Plas, the former journalist, herself. However, the popularity of BBB started to fade away in Autumn 2022 dropping to around 7% because the party lost its “newness” and achieved its limits regarding the reach out to society because it has just one representative in the parliament. Most probably the elections will be held according to the schedule in Spring 2025 so the maintenance of its popularity on the current level for more than 2 years will represent a considerable challenge to BBB.
KEY POSITIONS
Official website
Manifesto website

Stabilitātei!/Стабильность!/ For Stability!

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
For Stability! (S!) was founded on 26 February 2021 by former members of the Riga City Council Valērijs Petrovs and Aleksejs Roslikovs who are ethnic Russians. In 2017 they were elected from the list of the Social Democratic Party „Harmony” representing the Russian minority which accounts for around 25% of Latvia’s total population. (However, many Russians in Latvia do not have a Latvian citizenship.) In Spring and Summer 2021 S! organized huge social protests in Riga against restrictions related to the COVID-19 and mandatory vaccination. The party defines its ideology as centrism but in fact its emergence was tightly correlated with the decrease of support for „Harmony” among many ethnic Russians. They perceived it as too moderate. In 2022 For Stability! was beefed up by the rise of Russian nationalism accompanied by Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. In consequence, in October 2022 the party achieved the best result among parties of Russian minority. (8% vs. 12% combined for three parties).
LEADER
Aleksejs Rosļikovs
He was born in 1984 is a Latvian politician and businessman. He also occupies a post of Vice President of the United Policemen’s Union of Latvia. From 2004 to 2005, Rosļikovs worked as an orderly, later an inspector, of the Riga police. In 2017, he was elected to the Riga City Council from the “Harmony” party, from which he was expelled in 2019 due to his nationalistic views. Until the dismissal of the city council in February 2020, he belonged to the faction of independent deputies. He ran again for the city council in 2020 on the list of the “Alternative” party, but he did not win a seat. In 2022 he run in the elections as the candidate of S! for the prime minister. He was elected to the Latvian parliament becoming the leader. In the past he came several times under the scrutiny of the State Security Service (VDD) several times. In 2019, his office was searched by state security services.
NATIONAL ELECTION
Attitude to the EU
S! believes that Latvia should reconsider its “subordinate” status within Europe. Latvia must define the interests of the state as a priority foreseeing even its exit from a “suffocating” Union. Therefore, the party calls for a rigid definition of the political and economic sovereignty. “For Stability!” postulates a controlled default because it refuses Latvia to pay EU debt. S! also rejects to purchase electricity at “inflated” EU prices from other member states and wants to bring back the energy independence of the country.
European alliances
“For Stability!” is a new party operating in one of the smallest EU member states. It means that S! can win a seat in the European Parliament only in the case of a very considerable rise of its popularity. S! is ideologically the closest to pro-Russian parties from the political group “Identity and Democracy”. Nevertheless, even many of these parties may be reluctant to engage in a close cooperation with a small party so strongly affiliated to Putin’s regime.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Russian nationalism
S! represents the Russian minority and cooperates closely with Russia. The party wants Latvia to recognize all holders of non-citizen passports as full-fledged citizens of the country eligible to vote in elections. It also postulates the recognition of Russian as the second official language in schools and administration. A key importance of the Russian national question in the political agenda of “For Stability!” has increased even further since Russia’s full-scale aggression against in Ukraine.
Covid-19 denial
At the very beginning of its existence, S! built its popularity on the ant-vaccine propaganda and denial of the pandemic. It declared the COVID policy a tool to segregate people, deprive them of incomes and destroy private businesses. According to the party, the “forced” vaccination did a serious harm to health and deprived people from the right to receive urgent medical care. Party calls for bringing to criminal responsibility deputies and ministers who supported these policies.
Presidential and majoritarian system
S! propose to reduce the number of deputies from 100 to 50 and introduction of electoral law based on majority voting. According to the party, the president should be directly elected, and his powers substantially widened.
PERSPECTIVES
S! has a potential to increase its popularity due to the rise of Russian nationalism among Latvian Russians and Russia’s support for the party. However, on the other hand, its popularity will depend to a large degree on the internal stability of Putin’s regime which is strongly linked with the course of war in Ukraine. Moreover, the party because of its close ties with the Kremlin at some point may be recognized as a Russia’s fifth column and a serious threat to the national security by the state institutions and even may face outlawing.

Balgarski vazhod/ Bulgarian Rise

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
Bulgarian Rise was founded in May 2022 by Stefan Yanev, the former caretaker Prime Minister and Defence Minister. In order to take part in the 2022 parliamentary snap October elections, it allied with four small parties. They run on one list and Yanev became the only party leader. BV finished in the 7th place gaining 12 seats in the parliament.
TOP MED
Stefan Yanev
Yanev is a retired Bulgarian Army Brigade general. He graduated from the National Defence University in Washington. He started his professional career as an analysis officer at the Partnership for Peace Coordination Group’s Planning and Programming Department. He got promotion to the Strategic Planning Department of the General Staff of the Bulgarian Army where he worked as a senior assistant chief. Then, Yanev served for ten years in the Ministry of Defence and was appointed director of various directorates and awarded the rank of Brigadier General. Later he became the military attaché to the United States. After his return to Bulgaria in 2014, he was appointed the head of the Vasil Levski National Military University. However, his superiors were disappointed with his performance, so he was relieved just after five weeks, as well as dismissed from military service. In 2017 he served as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defence in the caretaker government, and subsequently was appointed to the post of Secretary of Security and Defence of President Rumen Radev. In May 2021 Yanev was nominated the Prime Minister of Bulgaria by President Radev occupying this post until December 2021 when he became Minister of Defence. Yanev was dismissed from this post because he declared following the propaganda of President of Russia Vladimir Putin that the Russian invasion against Ukraine is not „war” but a „military operation”. In response to the dismissal, Yanev decided to establish his own party.
NATIONAL ELECTION
Attitude to the EU
BV supports Bulgaria’s membership in the EU, but it contests strongly the main stream foreign policy of the Union especially concerning Russia, China and the US. Bulgarian Rise represents a highly pro-Russian and pro-Chinese positions and a sceptical attitude towards the US.
European alliances
BV will have a huge problem to join wider coalitions on the European scene because of its strongly pro-Russian sympathies and a small public support. As a small party operating in one of the smallest EU member states Bulgarian Rise’s ability to establish alliances with soft Eurosceptic parties may increase if it gets some representation in the European Parliament during the elections in 2024. However, in order to gain at least one seat, it will require from the party to win around 6-7% votes.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Russia
BV occupies one of the most pro-Russian positions on the Bulgarian political scene. According to Yanev, Russia was forced to launch a “special operation” as a preventive strike against Ukraine which prepared attack on Donetsk and Luhansk. Moreover, Yanev expressed his negative attitude towards the Western military supply for Ukraine defining it as adding of fuel into a fire which allegedly contributes to the prolongation of war and human suffering.
Populism and lack of clarity
The party garnered criticism for expressing unclear positions on many key economic, social, and political issues. Indeed, Yanev, himself has said the party is not on the right nor the left. The program of the party is very general and vague, full of banality with many truisms.
PERSPECTIVES
The future of Bulgarian Rise will strongly depend on its ability to increase its support by at least several percent points. The Bulgarian electoral system is based on threshold is 4% for parties and BV crossed it by a very slim margin. If the party continues to balance on the threshold, potential voters may refrain from voting for it being afraid of wasting their votes. The further rise of popularity of BV will face a huge challenge from Revival, the main far right party which won 10% of votes and undertakes decisively more clear positions on many issues.

Danmarksdemokraterne/ The Denmark Democrats

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
Danmarksdemokraterne (The Denmark Democrats) is a Danish right-wing political force founded in June 2022 by Inger Støjberg. Eight members of the Danish parliament joined the party, making it the seventh-largest political group in the Folketing. It increased its political representation in the Folketing to 14 MPs after the 2022 November elections. In consequence, Danmarksdemoraterne became the fifth biggest parliamentary party which achieved better results during the elections than other two Eurosceptic parties that won in total 11 seats.
LEADER
Inger Støjberg
Støjberg is the leader of Danmarksdemokraterne. She started her political career as a member of the city council of Viborg municipality, a position she occupied from 1994 to 2002. Støjberg has been a member of the Danish Parliament since 2001. She served as minister for gender equality from 2009 to 2010, minister for employment between 2010 and 2011, and as minister for immigration, integration and housing between 2015 and 2019. In 2015 Støjberg initiated and implemented a tightening of Danish asylum law which, limited the provision of social services for asylum seekers. She was a member of the liberal Venstre party until February 2021, occupying various posts in the party structures (deputy faction chairwoman in the Folketing, spokesperson, vice-president). Støjberg left Venstre after the majority of the party’s MPs voted to impeach her in the Folketing. Støjberg was accused of unlawful misconduct and maladministration of office, by illegally separating couples in refugee centres, where at least one person was minor, some of them with children. Støjberg was convicted in December 2021 and sentenced to 60 days in prison.
TOP MED
Peter Skaarup
Skaarup is chairman of the parliamentary group of the Denmark Democrats. He was parliamentary leader of the Danish People’s Party between 2012 and 2022 and a member of the main board of this party between 2012 until 2022. Peter Skaarup was his party’s foreign, immigration and defence policy spokesman and one of its main strategists. He was deputy chairman of the party from 1998 to 2012.
NATIONAL ELECTION
Attitude to the EU
Danmarksdemokraterne does not reject a priori Denmark’s membership in the EU, but it wants to increase the Danish opt-outs within the Union. The Denmark Democrats declare that it aims to combat „overbearing bureaucracy” from the EU allegedly imposed on Denmark. Generally, the party wants to decrease decisively regulations within the EU.
European alliances
The party is a new political force on the European scene. Nevertheless, it derives its name and policy ideas from the neighbouring Sweden Democrats party with which it cooperates closely. Most probably Danmarksdemokraterne will follow their Sweden partners and allied itself with parties belonging to the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR).
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Immigration
The main goal of the party is to review Denmark's immigration policy making it tighter. Danmarksdemokraterne calls for compulsory policies for immigrants to adapt to Danish culture. According to the party program” Generations before us have laid the foundations of the freedoms and the society we live in now. You can then build your own life on top of that foundation. You just can't break the foundation. It should be crystally clear to anyone who comes to Denmark.” The party promotes idea of intertwining between immigration and the rise of criminality. Therefore, it postulates to increase considerably funding for the police.
Support for national economy
The party declares that it was created to take care of Danish workplaces that are concentrated especially in small and medium-sized companies. The Danish Democrats want to abolish the generational transition tax, so that small and medium-sized Danish companies remain in Danish hands with the opportunity to grow, rather than being sold to foreign companies. According to the party “it is important to us that climate policy does not become hostile to businesses. We are in favour of the green transition, but it must be in a way where we preserve both the companies and the workplaces in Denmark.” The party’s focus on small and medium enterprises is co-related with its support for decentralization.
PERSPECTIVES
Danmarksdemokraterne achieved the best results among the right wing soft Eurosceptic parties in the last national elections in November 2022 (8% vs. 7% two smaller parties in total). Its future will depend mostly on its ability to cement the status of the strongest player on the Eurosceptic part of the Danish political scene. In fact, a potential electorate of the Eurosceptic forces in Denmark oscillates between 15% and 20%. If the party’s popularity increases to such a level in the next elections, it may gain access to power by becoming at least member of ruling coalition in the parliament.

Alianța pentru Unirea Românilor / Alliance for the Union of Romanians

NATIONAL ELECTION
KEY STRONGHOLDS
PERSPECTIVES
Since the general elections in 2020, AUR made an impressive progression in the polls benefiting from COVID-19 crisis and population discontentment towards both COVID-related restrictions and continuous political crises (including after 2020 elections). AUR is now polling in third position at 14%. Perspectives of the party are difficult to predict but it seems that AUR will stay in the Romanian political game which will have important consequences. Especially when parties from the current governing coalition are losing support. It remains to be seen how AUR will pass the tests of forthcoming elections. However, the current context of Russian war in Ukraine has had dramatic consequences on AUR support which has been reduced by half (7%).
KEY POSITIONS

Latvija pirmajā vietā / Latvia First

NATIONAL ELECTION
KEY STRONGHOLDS
PERSPECTIVES
Latvia First has been established in Summer 2021 and has built its reputation on local anti-vax movement in Latvia since then. Currently, the party is polling at 6%, only six months before the general elections. It is difficult to predict the evolution of support for this party as politics in Latvia keep the reputation of high volatility. However, the party will have to find other topics than anti-vax movement if it wants to play a role in these elections. As covid is less and less a topic, it might be challenging for the party. Especially at a time when geopolitical context is the main topic for the Baltic state. In this line, the party has sanctioned its members who adopted an anti-Ukraine stand. The question remains if Latvia party will be able to find a platform – likely to be anti-system – able to drive support for the upcoming elections.
KEY POSITIONS

Vazrazhdane / Revival

NATIONAL ELECTION
KEY STRONGHOLDS
PERSPECTIVES
Revival cannot be considered as a new party as it was founded almost a decade ago. However, its popularity is something new and the party seems in position to sustain itself as the most important political force in the nationalist environment in Bulgaria. Its achievement to become the only nationalist force to pass electoral threshold certainly helped. In addition, the current context in Bulgaria as well on the international system allows the party to gain more and more popularity. Indeed, due to its completist views on Covid (and its opposition to any counter-measure from the government) as well as its anti-Western views (which gains traction due to the current war in Ukraine and the specific attitudes towards NATO and Russia in Bulgaria) and its opposition to the more specific agreement with North Macedonia, the party has been developing a successful anti-system platform. The party is currently polling at 7%. Its support is expected to rise in the coming months due to its position on the war in Ukraine. Revival is likely to attract considerable support from pro-Russian supporters in the country.
KEY POSITIONS

Reconquête / Reconquest

NATIONAL ELECTION
KEY STRONGHOLDS
PERSPECTIVES
It is difficult to gauge the perspectives of this party while it has been in action for only a few months. However, it is likely that the party will capitalize on the score of its leader Eric Zemmour, who has managed to make his impose his ideas/opinions on 2022 presidential election. During the Presidential election, he achieved 7,5% of the votes which is a high score for a newcomer in politics but which does not allow him to contest the leadership of Marine Le Pen over the extreme right in France. The party will try to win q few seats during the general elections but will perform poorly as they did not manage to build a coalition with the National Rally. Depending on the results of the multiple right-wing and far-right candidates, Reconquest party will play a more or less important role in the French political landscape. It is likely that this party will play a leading role in the coming months and years on the right side of the French political spectrum. It remains to be seen in what condition National Rally party and its leader Marine Le Pen will emerge from the successive elections. In parallel, Reconquest has made it clear that it is in favor of achieving the ‘union of the rights’. Finally, some interrogation remain on who will be the main personality to implement this objective as Marion Maréchal Le Pen seem to be ready to play an important role while Zemmour might be interested to remain in politics.
KEY POSITIONS

Konfederacja Wolność i Niepodległość/ Confederation Liberty and Independence

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
Confederation was established in February 2019 before the European elections as a single electoral list uniting several far-right political parties. Two main members of the Confederation are 1) Coalition for the Renewal of the Republic – Liberty and Hope (KORWiN), known also as Liberty and 2) the National Movement party. The first party was established in 2015 by Janusz Korwin-Mikke, almost 80 years old a veteran of Polish far right movement. (The party’s Polish name was originally a backronym of the founder’s name.) The National Movement was founded as an association in 2012 and turned into a party in 2014. The National Movement was co-organizer of Independence March, an annual nationalistic manifestation which has been taking place since 2010 on the Polish National Independence Day (11.11). In May 2019 during the European elections, the Confederation did not manage to cross the threshold (5%) and get its representation in the European Parliament. However, in October 2019 during the national elections it won 11 seats in the Polish Parliament (2,5% of all seats). All MPs of the Confederation are men and almost of all of them young.
LEADER
Krzysztof Bosak
Bosak was elected a member of the Polish Parliament for the League of Polish Families, a Polish far right party in 2005 but his party did not cross the threshold in snap elections of 2007. At the same time Bosak was the chairman of the All-Polish Youth, a youth organization of the League. He was co-founder and became the first vice-chairman of the National Movement, a party of radical right that co-established the Confederation. He became a member of the Sejm again in 2019 for the Confederation. He was a candidate for president in 2020.
TOP MED
Artur Dziambor
Dziambor is teacher and entrepreneur. He became member of the parliament of the 9th term in 2019.From 2011 to 2018, he was active in the Congress of the New Right, of which he was the vice president. He was also the vice-chairman of the council in one of the districts in Gdynia. In 2018, he joined the KORWiN party. In November 2019, he was elected one of the vice-presidents of the KORWiN party. Due to his criticism of Korwin-Mikke’s pro-Russian position on Ukraine, Dziambor left the party with two MPs in March 2022 and announced that they will create a new party.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2019
European elections 2019
Attitude to the EU
Konfederacja supports the idea of dissolution of the EU. Nevertheless, according to the Confederation, the former EU member states countries should keep the European Economic Area and Schengen Area.
European alliances
In the 2019 European elections, the Confederation did not manage to cross the threshold. Therefore, it did not join any political group in the European Parliament. Nevertheless, since then the far-right Polish coalition has not established a closer cooperation with any bigger political force in the EU. Its hard Euroscepticism and strong nationalism make Konfederacja rather unattractive for main soft Eurosceptic parties in Europe.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Anti-migration and xenophobia
The Confederation is definitely the most xenophobic political group in the Polish parliament perceiving the change of ethnic and religious structure of Poland, one of the most homogenous countries in Europe, as the greatest threat. Konfederacja rejects civic national identity and prefers the ethnic one. The antipathy towards other nations and religions concerns especially Muslims and to a lesser degree Jews, Germans, and Ukrainians. The negative attitude towards Muslims and Ukrainians intertwined with disapproval of their immigration or providing them with refugee status. Even the Russian aggression against Ukraine did not change the Confederation’s attitude towards Ukrainians, including refugees. Today, Konfederacja presents Ukrainian refugees as a potential threat to the Polish security and economic and social burden.
Family and confessional state
The Confederation defines family as a key social institution in its ideology. It wants to defend it against a negative influence of liberal and leftist radicals, “gender ideology” and LGBTI. It wants to implement a total prohibition of abortion law. The far right coalition opposes same sex partnerships, gay pride parades and its leaders have described homosexuality as "a disease" and gays as “perverts”. The Confederation defines the Roman Catholicism as a basic foundation of the Polish national identity and calls for the establishment of confessional state in Poland.
Economic libertarianism
The Confederation presents itself as the political force with the most free-market oriented economic program (“laissez-faire”). The far-right coalition wants to eliminate the income tax, make social insurance contributions optional, reduce radically government spending and taxes and raise the VAT exemption.
PERSPECTIVES
Konfederacja has a substantial potential to expand its support. In the opinion polls conducted in 2020 before the presidential elections, Krzysztof Bosak, its candidate in a possible second round enjoyed a support of 35% voters against the then President Andrzej Duda and more than above 10% did not exclude that they might vote for the far-right politician. However, the further rise of Konfederacja would require from it to soften its current radicalism. This scenario is highly unlikely. In consequence, in opinion polls, the Confederation can count on a stable but limited popularity (7-10%). Internal divisions within Konfederacja constitute another challenge to its future. The political club started as an alliance of three parties, while in 2022 KORWiN experienced a secession of one fraction which will establish its own party. The position of the far-right political coalition on the Polish political scene will depend on its relationship with Law and Justice (PiS), the ruling party which most probably after the next elections (2023) will be forced to try to establish the coalition with Confederation in order to maintain power.

Svoboda a přímá demokracie/ Freedom and Direct Democracy

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) was founded in May 2015 by Tomio Okamura and Radim Fiala who seceded after an internal quarrel from Dawn – National Coalition, which was established in June 2013. In the 2013 parliamentary elections Dawn obtained 7% of votes. Freedom and Direct Democracy is named after Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy, at that time a main Eurosceptic political group in the European Parliament. SPD gathered popularity by exploiting the refugee crisis of 2015-2016 and playing with a xenophobic card. In the 2017 national elections, SPD gained the fourth result receiving almost the same number of votes as the third party. Between 2017 and 2021 it remained in the opposition and managed to maintain a relatively high support what was confirmed by its result in the 2021 parliamentary elections.
LEADER
Tomio Okamura
Okamura is president of SPD from its establishment in 2015. He is of Czech and Japanese-Korean descent. Okamura was born in Tokyo and lived in Japan for the first ten years of his life and then for several years as a youngster. He started his business career in 1994 mainly focused on the travel and gastronomy industries. He published a quarterly Pivní magazín („Beer Magazine”). He also wrote several books. In 2012 Okamura was elected to the Senate as an independent candidate. Immediately following his election, he announced his intention to stand in the 2013 presidential election. However, the Ministry of Interior rejected a huge part of signatures that Okamura submitted. His appeal was denied. In reaction, Okamura declared that it was an unfair and political decision and questioned the independence of the judiciary. In 2013 he established his own party, Dawn of Direct Democracy which he left in 2015 after the internal conflict. Okamura was deputy speaker of the Chamber of Deputies between 2017 and 2021.
TOP MED
Radim Fiala
Fiala has been a member of the Chamber of Deputies since 2006. He was elected as a candidate of the right Civic Democratic Party (ODS). He left ODS in 2012 and then joined Dawn of Direct Democracy. He separated from Dawn in 2013 and co-founded with Okamura Freedom and Direct Democracy. In 2017 he gained a seat in the parliament running on the list of SPD. Fiala became the head of parliamentary club. He is vice president of the party.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2017-2021
European elections 2019
Attitude to the EU
The party is decisively opposed to Czech membership of the EU and calls for the Czech Republic to leave it as soon as possible.
European alliances
After the 2019 European elections SPD joined the Identity and Democracy political group in the European Parliament. However, as the hard Eurosceptic party, SPD is rather isolated in the political group. In July 2021 it did not sign the declaration of Eurosceptic parties and did not participate in their meetings in Warsaw and Madrid.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Direct democracy
SPD supports very strongly the idea of holding regularly referenda which, according to the party constitutes the most democratic expression of will of the nation. SPD believes that referenda should concern all important issues and possess primacy over the parliament.
Anti-Islam
SPD advocates for the banning of Islam which it defines as a criminal ideology similar to Nazism. SPD rejects vehemently multiculturalism. The party wants to pursue a very restrictive immigration policy, particularly towards immigration from Muslim countries which as it argues leads to the "Islamization" of Europe.
Sovereignty
The party treats the sovereignty as the most important value. Therefore, besides the negative attitude towards Czechia’s membership in the EU, the party also supports the exit from the NATO. SPD postulates also Czechia to follow Greece and demand war reparations from Germany.
PERSPECTIVES
SPD managed to entrench itself on the Czech political scene as a dominating hard Eurosceptic and far right political formation. In effect, the party enjoys a stable social support (around 10%). Nevertheless, due to its radicalism, it has a very limited chance to increase its popularity above this level.

Sme rodina/ We are family

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The party was founded in November 2015 by businessman Boris Kollár by renaming and repurposing the existing minor party, Our Land (Náš Kraj) and its merge with Party of Citizens of Slovakia (SOS). Its establishment took place before the 2016 parliamentary elections. Between 2016 and 2020 the party was in opposition. After the 2020 elections Sme Rodina joined the government and its leader became the chairman of Slovak parliament. In the government SR holds three posts (two ministers: Labour, Social Affairs and Family; Transport and Construction and one deputy prime minister responsible for Legislation and Strategic Planning).
TOP MED
Boris Kollar
Kollar is a Slovak businessman and politician serving righ now as the Speaker of the National Council of the Slovak Republic. In 1999, he became the owner of Fun Radio. Between 2004 and 2005 he appeared as a professional assistant in K-fun the radio show about sex. Kollár is single and is the father of eleven children with ten different women. In the past, Kollár had demonstrable contacts with one of former barefoots of the Bratislava underworld. In June 2020, the Aktuality.sk portal published news that Boris Kollár’s diploma thesis on the topic of climate change and the bioclimatic potential of tourism in one of Slovak regions contains many pages of copied text.
Milan Krajniak
Krajniak is a Slovak politician who, from March 2020, holds the post of Minister of Labor, Social Affairs and Family of the Slovak Republic, first in the government of Igor Matovič and currently in the government of Eduard Heger. Since 2016, he has been a member of the National Council of the Slovak Republic and vice-chairman of the SME FAMILY movement. In 2019 he was the candidate of the party in the presidential elections. From 2010 to 2012, he was an advisor to the Minister of the Interior, Daniel Lipšic (KDH), and, among other things, he was involved in the fight against Roma crime. He resigned voluntarily in January 2012, because of his involvement in the Gorilla scandal a political corruption scandal named after a Slovak Secret Service wiretap file.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2016-2020
European elections - 2019
Attitude to the EU
Sme Rodina supports Slovakia’s membership in the EU but it does not perceive it as a priori mainly beneficial. SR believes that Slovakia should undertake the audit of its membership which should evaluate precisely its benefits and disadvantages. Moreover, Sme Rodina does not endorse a substantial progress of internal integration of the EU because it is afraid of the domination of large member states. Finally, the EU is treated by SR with a particular suspicion regarding such issues as LGBTI rights and multiculturalism.
European alliances
In 2019 Sme Rodina joined Identity and Democracy Party, but it did not manage to obtain any seat in the European Parliament in the elections. However, in 2021 and 2022 Sme Rodina did not join Eurosceptic parties that issued a common declaration and met in Warsaw and Madrid.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Anti-migration and Islamophobia
Sme Rodina perceives migrants from the Muslim world as one of the most serious threats to the security of Slovakia and the EU. SR believes that all people coming to the EU from the Muslim world are not refugees but economic illegal migrants. According to the party they come from a completely different civilization. SR is convinced that Muslims do not want to adapt to European way of life, but vice versa they want to impose their lifestyles on native Europeans. This inevitably results in cultural conflicts and terrorist attacks.
Family and traditional values
Sme Rodina presents itself as a conservative Christian political formation that defends Slovak families and traditional values. SR opposes decisively the same sex partnership. In October 2020, it supported a bill that would have tightened abortion law. It was defeated by the Parliament with 59 votes against and 58 votes in favor. The party is very supportive of development of welfare state which should be focused on the protection of Slovak families.
Nation and sovereignty
SR defines itself as a Slovak national party. It perceives the nation state as the basis and guarantee of our economic and cultural development and the protector of Slovak national interests. Sme Rodina as a party that represents a small nation supports upholding the principle of compliance with international law. On the other hand, according to the party it wants to maintain the highest possible degree of independence of Slovakia. The attachment to sovereignty of small countries contributed to the critical position of SR to Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. Meanwhile, in the past, SR expressed sometimes pro-Russian statements (“Slavic brotherhood”).
PERSPECTIVES
The party enjoys a stable support in the opinion polls (6-7%) and it may count on a similar result in the next elections which are scheduled to be held in February 2024. In consequence, of high diversity of Slovak political scene, SR has a huge chance to join a new coalition.

Domovinski pokret

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
Domovinski Pokret was established in February 2020 by Miroslav Škoro who stood in the presidential election in December 2019. Miroslav Škoro is a Croatian musician and television host. As a musician, Škoro is best known for using the traditional Croatian instruments in most of his compositions. He collaborated with nationalistic singers. In the 2007 parliamentary election he was elected member of the parliament for the Croatian Democratic Union but he resigned after one year. In the 2019 presidential election. Škoro won 25% and almost got to the second round. Domovinski Pokret competed in the 2020 parliamentary election in a coalition with several other minor right-wing to far-right parties but achieved a considerably weaker result than Škoro in the presidential elections. In July 2021, Škoro resigned as party president because of a dispute over party finances. His resignation was followed by disciplinary proceedings. Therefore, he decided to leave the party. In October 2021 Škoro was replaced by Ivan Penava.
LEADER
Ivan Penava
Penava is a Croatian politician, former rower, and later professor and current mayor of Vukovar and president of the Homeland Movement since October 2021. In the early local elections for mayor of Vukovar in 2014, Penava ran as a representative of the coalition of parties gathered around the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ). In the new mayoral election in 2017, which he won in the first round, he won more than 60% of the votes.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections - 2020
Attitude to the EU
DP supports Croatia’s membership in the EU but it stands for the EU as a confederal community of sovereign nation states. In its program, Homeland movement declares that it does not endorse a transition of the EU into a supranational, federal organization and, in the long run, a unitary state.
European alliances
DP will prefer to join the European Conservatives and Reformers (ECR) or a new political group established on the basis of the ECR. However, the party’s cooperation with other parties on the EU level will depend mostly on the ability of Domovinski Pokret to increase its popularity and win at least one seat at the European Parliament.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Croatian history and nation
The politics of memory occupies a very important place in the ideology of the Homeland Movement. The party has a strongly negative attitude towards a Yugoslav communist heritage and presents it as the same totalitarian ideology as Nazism. On the other hand, DP cultivates historical traditions of Croatian modern nationalism that in the case of some of his leaders turns into a lenient or even positive attitude to the legacy of Croatian Fascism. In its program, Homeland Movement pays also a huge attention to the situation of Croats living in neighbouring countries (especially in Bosnia and Herzegovina) and diasporas in the Western Europe.
Security and Serbia
Domovinski Pokret got its name from Domovinski Rat 1991-1995 (Homeland War), which resulted in a successful defence of Croatia’s independence against Serbia. Homeland Movement still perceives Serbia as a main potential challenge to Croatia’s security. Therefore, it supports the increase of military expenditure and development of defence industry. According to DP, Croatia should put preconditions on Serbia’s accession to the EU, concerning the war (reparations, demarcation of border, issue of missing persons).
Family and traditional values
Homeland Movement postulates the establishment of state fund for demography which will take care of families with many children and increase social transfers to young mothers. DP wants also to protect family values which is associated with party’s critical attitude towards abortion and LGBTI rights.

Lietuvos lenkų rinkimų akcija – Krikščioniškų šeimų sąjunga (LLRA–KŠS) / Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania-Christian Families Alliance

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
In 1990, the Association of Poles in Lithuania was formed in order to bring together members of the Polish minority in Lithuania. The objective was to defend the civil rights of the Polish minority by engaging in educational, cultural, and economic activities. According to the 2015 census, around 165.000 individuals compose the Polish minority in Lithuania which compromises around 5,5 % of the population. In 1994, the Association created a political branch under the name Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania in order to operate on the political scene. Gradually its support increased, especially since the beginning of the 2000s when Valdemar Tomasevski took the leadership of the party. Due to the specific rules of the legislative elections in Lithuania, LLRA- KŠS has always managed to gain representation in the parliament. In 2012 and 2016, the party even won 8 seats, respectively. In parallel, the party has won several times seats at the European Parliament and is a member of the European Conservatives and Reformists. The party participated three times for a short period in government coalitions (2000-2001, 2012-2014, 2019-2020).
LEADER
Valdemar Tomaševski
Valdemar Tomaševski is currently President of LLRA- KŠS as well as Member of the European Parliament since 2009. Tomaševski has been a leading figure for the Polish minority party as a Founder and then a President (since 1999). He was elected several times deputy of the Seimas (2000-2009). He run three times for the post of President of Lithuania (2009, 2014, 2019) winning a maximum of 8% of votes.
TOP MED
Rita Tamašunienė
Rita Tamašunienė was Minister of the Interior (2019-2020). After a professional career in education as a teacher and director of a school, Tamašunienė became a politician and assumed various political responsibilities. Since 2012, she has been elected several times as deputy of the Seimas.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2012-2020
European elections 2009 - 2019
KEY STRONGHOLDS
The Polish minority interests
LLRA-KŠS seeks to defend and improve Polish minority rights. This objective is at the top of their political agenda and is focusing on specific fields such as education and language usage. LLRA-KŠS is also advocating a decentralization of the Lithuanian political system. They are claiming more power for local authorities in order to empower the Polish minority.
Family and conservative values
More generally, LLRA-KŠS declares that it defends traditional, Christian, and family values. LLRA-KŠS would like to restrict the right of abortion to few specific and restrictive cases such as the risk for a mother’s life or health. As of today, abortion is legal in Lithuania and possible until the 12th week of pregnancy (22sd in case of medical reasons).
Soft Soviet-nostalgia
PERSPECTIVES
The position of the party will depend on developments within the Polish minority in Lithuania. The whole Lithuanian population is in decline, but the Polish minority is decreasing slightly faster. In addition, perspectives of the party are also dependent on the will of Polish minority individuals to support the ethnic Polish party. It is sure that LLRA- KŠS will continue to play a great role in some localities (in the South-East of Vilnius region, in localities such as Šalčininkai) but its role on the central level is far more uncertain because younger Poles are becoming more eager to vote for Lithuanian parties. In consequence, the popularity of LLRA has been declining since the elections which took place in Autumn 2020.
KEY POSITIONS

Nacionala Apvieniba /National Alliance

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
In 2010 during the Latvian parliamentary elections campaign two far-right parties – ‘For Fatherland and Freedom’ and ‘All for Latvia’ – joined their forces into a political alliance which was transformed into a political party in 2011 under the name “National Alliance”. This party succeeded in becoming an important player in Latvia’s political system. Indeed, since 2011, National Alliance has participated in every government. The party is benefitting from a situation in which different Latvian parties ally against left-wing pro-Russian “Harmony”. National Alliance has also been successful at the European level as they are currently represented by two Members of the European Parliament.
FOUNDER
Raivis Dzintars
Dzintars is the founder of the NA and its leader from the very beginning. In 2006 he established the nationalist party ‘All for Latvia”. Since 2010, he is a deputy at the Latvian Parliament (Saeima) and the Chairman of the National Alliance Group.
TOP MED
Raivis Zeltīts
Raivis Zeltīts is Secretary-General of the political party National Alliance and the leader of its youth organization. Zeltīts is also a writer on Latvian modern nationalism. He wrote several books on it in which he shares his ideas on how to fight threats such as globalization or “neo-Marxism”. Finally, he is also trying to create a network of nationalists in the so-called “Intermarium” region (Baltic-Black Sea).
Roberts Zīle
Roberts Zīle is a Latvian economist who has been serving as a Member of the European Parliament since 2004. He is Vice-Chair of the European Conservatives and Reformists Group., Zīle occupied the position of minister in Latvia in the 1990s (Finance Minister) and the 2000s (Transport Minister).
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2011 - 2018
European elections 2014 - 2019
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Immigration policy
National Alliance is looking for a “Latvian Latvia”. As such, the party rejects “irresponsible” immigration policy and the imposition of migration quotas from the EU. During the refugee and migrant crisis 2015-2016 the party played with an Islamophobic card presenting people from the Middle East as a vital threat to Europe.
Russian minority and Russia
One of the main objectives of the National Alliance party is to counter “Russian influence and propaganda” in Latvia. Special attention is given to the counterbalancing of pro-Russian political forces in the Latvian Parliament and to the limitation of influence of Russian media in Latvia. Education also constitutes a key sphere in which the Latvian language must be promoted decisively according to NA. The party cultivates a legacy of Latvian Waffen SS Divisions which during the Second World War fought against the Soviet Army.
Demography
National Alliance is promoting efforts and solutions to resolve the Latvian demographic crisis. The party wants to provide families with financial and tax incentives which will rise the national birth rate. At the same time, NA is encouraging facilitated procedures for Latvians abroad who want to return to their motherland.
PERSPECTIVES
The next parliamentary elections will take place in Latvia in Autumn 2022. Since 2018, National Alliance has known a rise in popularity which reached its peak during the European elections (around 15%). As of today, the popularity of the National Alliance is still enjoying important support, being the 3rd political party in terms of popularity at 14%. The party belongs to the coalition government but is not the most important player and as such can only on a limited scale promote its own agenda. After the elections in 2022, most probably National Alliance will maintain this position. As of now, National Alliance’s engagement in ruling the country since 2011 constrains the possibility of its radicalization. The NA used to compete particularly with the New Conservative Party for the right-wing electorate. However, the recent free fall of the latter has not contributed to increase of popularity for NA. On the other hand, the current geopolitical context in the region could give a boost to the National Alliance.
KEY POSITIONS
Official website
Official Facebook page
Official Twitter account

Vlaams Belang / Flemish Importance

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
Vlaams Belang is a rebrand of Vlaams Blok, which dissolved itself after a trial in 2004 when it was condemned for racism. The Vlaams Blok contested the 1978 elections as a coalition created by the nationalist right-wing and conservative faction of the People’s Union (VU), the center-right Flemish party. The coalition transformed itself into a party in 1979. The electoral rise of the party begun at the end of the 1980s after the younger generation of its politicians shifted the party’s key emphasis from Flemish nationalism (separatism) to the immigration issue. In 1988 in local elections in Antwerp, the biggest town in Flanders, the VB won almost 20% of seats. On 10 May 1989, in response to the Antwerp success, the presidents of all major Belgian parties signed a cordon sanitaire, where the parties agreed to never conclude any political agreements with the Vlaams Blok. The agreement is still in force. However, in 2019 a Belgian King invited a representative of the VB to government negotiations for the first time since 1978.
The party experienced serious internal strife and decline in support between 2004 and 2014. After assuming leadership of the party in 2014, Tom Van Grieken, its new and young leader sought to moderate the party’s image further which resulted in a resurgence in support. Today, the Vlaams Belang continues the core ideology of its predecessor by campaigning on a separatist and nationalist platform. Nevertheless, the party toned down the most xenophobic elements of Vlaams Blok’s program. The party’s economic policy also has been changed significantly. While the Vlaams Blok called for a mixed economy foreseeing a significant role of the state in economic life, the Vlaams Belang shifted towards neoliberalism. However, for the 2019 federal election, the VB adopted an economic program supporting a social market economy.
LEADER
Tom Van Grieken
Van Grieken has been serving as leader of VB since 2014. He was born in Antwerp in 1986. After his studies, Van Grieken was elected national president of the Vlaams Belang Jongeren, the youth wing of the party. He has been a member of the Municipality Council of Mortsel from 2007 until 2018. In 2014 he ran unopposed in the elections for the party leader and obtained almost 95% of the votes, becoming Belgium’s youngest party leader ever. He was a member of the Flemish Parliament between 2014 and 2019. In 2018, he was elected as a member of the Municipality Council in the town of Schoten, where he now lives.
TOP MED
Barbara Pas
She has been a member of the Chamber of Representatives of the Belgium Parliament since 2007. Pas served as the president of the Vlaams Belang Jongeren, the youth wing of the party from 2009 to 2012. Since December 2012 she has been national vice-president of Vlaams Belang. In April 2013, she became the VB’s group leader in the Chamber of Representatives. She lost this post in May 2014, when after the elections her party did not have enough MPs to re-establish the fraction. She was reappointed to the position again in 2019 after Vlaams Belang did win enough seats for an establishment of a parliamentary faction. Pas has also negotiated recently, though without success, with Bart De Wever, the leader of New Flemish Alliance, the main Flemish right party to end the cordon sanitaire applied to the VB.
Gerolf Annemans
Annemans has been a member of the European Parliament since 2014 and a city councilor in Antwerp since 2000. He served as a member of the Chamber of Representatives of Belgium from 1987 to 2014. Annemans was also the leader of the VB from 2012 to 2014 and led the VB parliamentary groups from 1991 to 2013. In 2015, he was co-architect of the establishment of the “Europe of Nations and Freedom” (ENF) group in the EP. In 2017, Gerolf Annemans was elected chairman of the “Movement for a Europe of Nations and Freedom” (MENF). In 2019, Gerolf Annemans became the president of its successor, the Identity and Democracy party. He is one of the chief ideologists of the VB.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2010 - 2019
European elections 2009 - 2019
Attitude to the EU
The VB supports the membership of future Flemish state in the EU but it is strongly against any evolution of the Union towards as it says a Federal European Superstate. The party argues for the withdrawal from the Schengen Area and the reinstatement of border controls and abolition of the Eurozone.
European alliances
In the European Parliament, the VB has generally been part of the Non-Inscrits for many years. In 2007, the party joined the short-lived Identity, Tradition and Sovereignty group alongside parties such as the French National Front. After the 2019 elections the VB party sits with France’s National Rally, Italy’s Lega, Alternative for Germany and other parties in the Identity and Democracy parliamentary group. Gerolf Annemans, a MEP from the VB became president of the Identity and Democracy party. In July 2021 Vlaams Belang signed a common declaration of soft Eurosceptic parties concerning their cooperation and the future of the EU.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Anti-immigration
The VB is opposed to what it defines as liberal immigration policy and multiculturalism allegedly imposed on Flanders by the Belgian federal government and the EU. The party argues that such policies leave the Flemish region exposed to terrorism and have eroded Flemish identity. In its program, the VB calls for the repatriation of those immigrants who "reject, deny or combat" Flemish culture as well as European values. In order to increase security in Flemish cities, the party wants to pursue a policy of zero tolerance. On the other hand, it should be admitted that the Vlaams Belang’s position on immigration has been slightly moderated from that of the Vlaams Blok.
Independent Flanders
The party seeks a peaceful secession of Flanders from the Kingdom of Belgium. The VB's main goal is to establish an independent Flemish republic. The Vlaams Belang is for the return of Brussels to the control of Flanders. The party justifies its support for independence by evoking "enormous cultural and political differences between Flemings and Walloons”. According to Vlaams Belang, Belgium is dysfunctional and unsustainable because federal governments are "paralyzed by ongoing disputes between Flemish and Walloon politicians”. The financial transfers from Flanders to Brussels and to Wallonia, which Vlaams Belang considers to be unjust and mismanaged by the Belgium government, constitute another key reason given for secessionism.
PERSPECTIVES
Under the leadership of Van Grieken, the party experienced an impressive increase in popularity. Making the party less radical attracted many voters of the center-right. Probably this rise will continue. According to the opinion polls conducted in 2021, the VB became the most popular party in Flanders. Currently, it enjoys the support of more than 25% of voters while in the federal elections 2019 it won less than 20% in the region. In consequence, the further increase of support for the VB might force center-right parties to establish cooperation with Van Grieken’s party and administer a final blow to the policy of cordon sanitaire. Such challenge has triggered controversy recently when Mouvement Reformateur’s President Georges Louis Bouchez accepted a debate with Van Grieken.
KEY POSITIONS
Official website
Official Facebook page
Official Twitter account

Ethniko Laiko Metopo / National Popular Front

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
ELAM was created by Cypriot members of Golden Dawn, a Neo-Nazi Greek party. It was officially registered as a political party in 2011 after it had unsuccessfully attempted to be recognized as “Golden Dawn-Cyprus Branch” in 2008. In the first years of its existence, ELAM was repeatedly accused of promoting racism and being involved in acts of violence. The support for the party has increased since 2014. The party launched targeted charity campaigns in the context of increasing poverty and dissatisfaction with the EU. Donations of food and clothing were based on the Golden Dawn model namely the help went only to ethnic Greeks and migrants were blamed for the country’s socio-economic decline. Moreover, the party has managed in recent years to dissociate itself from the neo-Nazi symbolism and especially the political violence that had become the trademark of Golden Dawn. ELAM has used the COVID-19 pandemic to advance its xenophobic agenda by accusing immigrants of spreading the virus.
LEADER
Christos Christou
Christou has been the president of ELAM since its establishment in 2008. He was just 28 years old when he was elected the leader of the party. Christou started his political career in Greece in the 2000s as a member of the Golden Dawn, a neo-Nazi political party. He became the head of „Golden Dawn-Cypriot Branch”. Since 2016 he has been a member of parliament from Nicosia. He is Deputy Chairman of the Committee on Health. In 2018 he run in the presidential elections and won 6% of the votes.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2016 - 2021
European elections 2014 - 2019
Attitude to the EU
As a matter of principle, ELAM does not reject Cyprus’ membership in the EU. However, it is opposed to deepening of the European integration and to surrender of more elements of national sovereignty to the EU institutions. The party prefers an intergovernmental EU consisting of sovereign nation states. The party advocates the EU defined as Europe of nations. Moreover, ELAM would not oppose Cyprus’ exit from the Eurozone if the Euro endangered the country’s basic interests. A relatively soft Euroscepticism of ELAM originates from the necessity to counterbalance Turkey and its evolution from the extreme right position.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Anti-immigration
ELAM wants to develop a strict immigration policy in order to ensure the security of the Republic of Cyprus and to avoid the demographic change of population. According to the party, the state should immediately cancel all funding of illegal immigrants and asylum seekers. The party supports the abolishment of all allowances for immigrants and the termination of free medical care and other benefits. All illegal immigrants should be immediately deported. The money that will be saved should be allocated into an incentive program aiming at the fight against infertility of Greek Cypriots. The party is for a simplified, rapid, and strict examination of applications for political asylum and immediate expulsion of all persons whose applications are rejected without the right to appeal. The applicant should be placed in closed detention centers established for that purpose.
United and unitary (Greek) Cyprus
ELAM rejects a bicommunal federation as a solution to Cyprus’ problem based on political equality between both nations which the EU pursues. According to the party “it legitimizes the invasion and occupation of our Homeland” and will put Cyprus under the control of Turkey. Instead, ELAM supports a unitary and centralized state solution. The party also calls for the abolition of the citizenship of the Republic of Cyprus to Turkish Cypriots and wants to deprive them of social benefits. The party advocates abolishment of the EU funding for Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots and the imposition of an arms embargo. Finally, the ELAM postulates the development of the military capabilities of Cypriot armed forces in order to deter possible Turkish aggression. In the long-term perspective, ELAM considers Enosis (union) with Greece an optimal scenario for Cyprus.
PERSPECTIVES
The popularity of ELAM has increased systematically in recent years that confirmed the last elections held in May 2021 when the party almost doubled its result in comparison to the previous one (7%). Its future gains will mostly depend on the relations between Cyprus and Turkey and the security situation in the Middle East and the Eastern Mediterranean. It seems that ELAM might benefit from the rise of tensions between Ankara and Nicosia and the inflow of refugees to Cyprus from the region.

CHEGA!/ Enough!

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The party was established in 2019 before the European elections by André Ventura, a former politician of the center-right Social Democratic Party. In October 2019 Ventura was elected as the only MP of the party to the Portuguese parliament. The party established cooperation with the Zero Mouvement (an import of the American Blue Lives Matter) launched by policemen contesting the security policy of the government. In November 2019, the Mouvement organized a demonstration in front of the parliament, in collaboration with police trade unionists. Ventura was the only political leader invited to speak in front of the demonstrators and was enthusiastically welcomed by demonstrators. In 2020 Chega won 5% of votes in the regional elections of Azores and contributed to the change of regional government by providing the center-right coalition with external conditional support in the regional assembly. The presidential elections of 2021 represented a breakthrough for the party because its leader came third gaining more than 10% of votes.
FOUNDER
André Ventura
Ventura is a jurist, writer, professor, and former sports pundit. He was a member of the national leadership of the Socialist Democratic Party, a main center-right political force. In the 2017 municipal elections, the party presented Ventura as a candidate for mayor of Loures, Portugal’s sixth-largest municipality. During his campaign, he attacked the Gypsy community and defended the death penalty and a radical strengthening of police powers. Despite strong social opposition to his xenophobic and authoritarian discourse, the PSD supported him in the electoral campaign. Ventura won third place and was elected municipal councilor. He was elected to the Assembly of the Republic as the only representative of Chega in October 2019. He came third in the 2021 presidential election, with 12% of the vote
TOP MED
Diogo Pacheco de Amorim
Pacheco de Amorim is the main ideologist of the party. He has a long experience of activities in the far right. He was a member of fascist student movements that were to the right of the dictatorship of Antonio Salazar. After the fall of the dictatorship, Pacheco de Amorim became one of the leaders of the terrorist group MDLP rejecting the democratic transition. He cooperated with the French neo-fascist magazine “Nouvelle École”. Pacheco de Amorim was a member of the CDS-PP, a small Christian Democratic party. He is also a member of the traditional Catholic movement Comunhão e Libertação. Between 2019 and 2021 Pacheco de Amorim was Vice-President of the party. In May 2021 he joined the National Board of Chega.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2019
European elections 2019
European alliances
Chega joined Identity and Democracy Party receiving a direct support during the presidential campaign of 2021 from its main political forces: Lega (Italy) and National Rally (France).
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Denial of racism
Chega denies the existence of racism in Portugal and during its colonial past which according to the party should be a source of pride. Ventura provoked an outcry in the parliament in January 2020 by proposing that a Guinea-Bissau-born MP who wanted museum items from Portugal's former colonies to be returned, be "returned to her country of origin". In June 2020, Ventura organized a counter-protest the day after anti-racist rallies. Ventura accused the political left that it uses racism only as a pretext to attack his party.
Ultra neo-liberalism
Chega postulates to dismantle the Portuguese welfare state. It wants to privatize public health services, public schools, social security, and public transport. Chega advocates for ending progressive taxation and introducing flat taxes. Finally, it proposes to completely liberalize housing evictions and the Labour Law.
Islamophobia
Ventura underlines the Christian roots of Europe and stresses the Otherness of Islam defining it mostly as a threat and identifying Muslims mainly with radical Islamism. He published two novels, including A Última Madrugada do Islão ("The Last Dawn of Islam") in 2009, both with significant elements of female submission and homoeroticism mixed with Islamophobia. The publication of A Última Madrugada do Islão was suspended by the publishers for its "incendiary potential", for its insulting references to Muhammad.
PERSPECTIVES
Chega has witnessed an impressive rise in popularity since its establishment in 2019. According to opinion polls, since then, the party enjoys the support of around 8-10% of voters. In 2022 general elections, CHEGA only gained 7%. It seems that the party will remain a relatively important player on the political scene. Its future also depends on the PSD’s ability to limit internal crisis and divisions after its important defeat. Nevertheless, the huge popularity of left and far-left parties makes the further substantial rise of Chega highly difficult.
KEY POSITIONS
Official website
Official Facebook page
Official Twitter account

Rassemblement national / National Rally

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The National Rally, originally named National Front, was founded in 1972 and managed to unify a large fringe of nationalist movements in France. Jean-Marie Le Pen became the first President of the National Front, after serving in the French Military Forces (Indochina, Algeria campaigns). He maintained that position up to 2011. He was nicknamed « the Devil of the Republic » by his opponents but was considered as « the last Samuraï in politics » among his supporters. Primarily an anti-immigration party, it gained votes by asserting anti-European Union, anti-Schengen area, and anti-Eurozone positions. It remained a marginal movement for about a decade but has succeeded in becoming an important force of French nationalism since the mid-1980s. The National Front entered the European Parliament as early as 1979 and has regularly gained seats becoming even the first political movement in France at the European elections of 2014, repeating this success in 2019. The first major electoral success of the National Front occurred in the South of France in the 1995 municipal elections. In 2002, Jean-Marie Le Pen, its founder came second in the first round of the Presidential election, but he stepped far behind Jacques Chirac in the second round with less than 18% of the votes. After that, Jean Marie Le Pen’s daughter Marine Le Pen took over the leadership of the party, trying to de-demonize with some success. As the party gets less radical it increased its support becoming mid-2010s the most popular political party in France.
LEADER
Marine Le Pen
Marine Le Pen is Jean Marie Le Pen’s daughter, President of the National Front – then National Rally – since 2011. In 2011, her father handed the reins to his daughter, Marine Le Pen, but refused to go quietly, hauling the party before the courts in a series of failed bids to be readmitted. She has been a Member of the French National Assembly since the 2017 legislative elections. Before that, she had a long experience in Brussels as a Member of the European Parliament from 2004 to 2017. In 2017, prior to the legislative elections, she was also a candidate for the Presidential elections – like in 2012 when she finished third. This time in 2017, Le Pen reached the final round where she won almost 35% of the votes but she was defeated by Emmanuel Macron. She decided to rebrand the party as an acceptable party in order to govern and eventually softened RN positions on Europe as a Frexit is no longer a political will.
TOP MED
Jordan Bardella
Jordan Bardella is the new face of the National Front. Born in 1995, Bardella has led the National Rally European elections campaign after being active the past few years in the youth branch of the party. In 2019 during the EP elections, he proved to be successful as the party finished in first place with 23% of the votes. Since then, Bardella is a Member of the European Parliament. With this victory, he acquired a new status within the party and its closeness to Marine Le Pen led him to be nominated Vice-President of the party. Despite his dramatic defeat in the 2021 regional election, he will be the acting Head of the Party when Marine Le Pen will campaign for the Presidential elections.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2007 - 2017
European elections 2009 - 2019
Attitude to the EU
The National Front has opposed the European Union since its creation. In the 2000s, Jean-Marie Le Pen campaigned against the European Treaties (Maastricht, Amsterdam, etc.) and advocated in favour of a return to the French national currency, the Franc. In 2005, the National Front was at the forehead of the political opposition towards the European Constitutional Treaty. However, since the 2010s and the arrival of Marine Le Pen at the head of the party, the position of the party towards the EU has evolved. Marine Le Pen no longer aims at an exit of the EU or of the Eurozone but defends a “Europe of the nations” rather than a federalized Europe. Hence, her critics are still strong towards Brussels and especially the European Commission, but Le Pen tries to build a bigger Eurosceptic coalition in order to influence the trajectory of the European Union from within rather than leaving it.
European alliances
In 2009 the FN established the radical right Alliance of European National Movements together with neo-Fascist parties. At the end of 2011, the party withdrew from the Alliance and joined the more moderate European Alliance for Freedom. Until 2015, the MEPs of the Front had been siting as Non-Inscrits. In 2015 the FN joined Europe of Nations and Freedom, a far-right political group which transformed itself into the Identity and Democracy group (ID). The National Rally leads the group together with Lega (Italy) and Alternative for Germany. Nicolas Bay from the Rally is Vice President of the ID. In 2021 the RN signed a joint declaration of altogether 13 soft and hard Eurosceptic parties in the European Parliament rejecting the establishment of a “nationless European superstate” attempting to “destruct or cancel European tradition, transform basic social institutions and moral principles.”
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Anti-Immigration
Since its foundation, the National Rally has advocated for significant cuts to legal immigration. The party advocates for a radical reinforcement of security policies, drawing a clear link between immigration and the rise of criminality as well as of Islamist terrorist attacks which greatly affected France in the past decade. In the party’s rhetoric, the border between Islam and Islamism and terrorism is often blurred. Although, the party moving to the center started to also gain popularity among the most secular people of Muslim background. The so-called « refugee crisis » of 2014-2015 gave the party large popularity among the French citizens that were looking for scapegoats and depicting the arrival of asylum seekers as an invasion.
Traditional values
The National Rally has been part of the important demonstrations against surrogacy and the “bioethical laws” which opens the possibility of Assisted Reproductive Technology. At the same time, the party has been linked to the movement “La Manif pour tous” which was opposing both marriage and adoption for same-sex couples. The National Rally defends such a position explaining that family and traditional values should be respected.
Economic protectionism
Both under Jean-Marie Le Pen and Marine Le Pen, the party has remained highly critical towards globalization, supporting strong economic protectionism in order to defend the national interests of France. Marine Le Pen is now speaking about ‘intelligent protectionism’ which means strong support for French companies in face of international ones and victims of unfair competition but also the reintroduction of taxes on imports.
PERSPECTIVES
After 2011 Marine Le Pen managed to de-demonize the party (shift to the center) and increase substantially especially his own popularity. In opinion polls conducted in 2021 regarding the presidential election, Marine Le Pen enjoyed the support of around 45% of the voters. However, if for many years Marine Le Pen and the National Rally were clearly dominating the far-right sector of the French political scene , the question of their sustainability cannot be answered as new actors are challenging them on their right. After three electoral defeats in the presidential election (2012, 2017,2022), Marine Le Pen is more and more criticized on the far-right spectrum while the de-demonization of the party even if successful in terms of support has not brought tangible breakthroughs yet. 2022 is a crucial year for Le Pen (presidential election) and her party (legislative ones) as she needs to win at least one of them to only survive. The recent 2021 regional elections, which was an important defeat for the party, proved that RN is now considered by many voters as a traditional party of the French political scene and, like other parties, is criticized for its inaction. The National Rally has proved unable to capitalize on the Yellow Jackets protest movement. Outcomes of the 2022 electoral cycle will decide on the fate of LePen and allies. Just before election, many important figures left NR for Zemmour’s movement while Marion Marechal Le Pen – considered as the future leading figure of French extreme -right – endorsed him as well. Le Pen could well be the victim of the recomposition of the right and the extreme right in France. As for now, Le Pen has managed effectively to contain the rise of competitors from the right while rejecting vigorously the so-called Union of the Rights.
KEY POSITIONS
Official website
Official Facebook page
Official Twitter account

Lega / League

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The Northern League was founded in 1991 by Umberto Bossi, its Federal Secretary up to 2012, as a federation of six regional parties of Northern and North-Central Italy. The party primarily focused on the secession of Northern Italy, exploiting the economic and cultural differences between the North and the rest of the country, particularly the South, and rejecting the unitarian system. Hence the motto: ‘Roma Ladrona’ (Thieving Rome in English). The Northern League affirmed itself for the first time at the political election in 1994, after the corruption scandals ‘Clean Hands’ that invested the Italian political scene and brought to the collapse of the ‘First Republic’ and the transition towards the ‘Second Republic’. However, definitely, it was with Matteo Salvini replacing Bossi as the Federal Secretary in 2013, that the Northern League gained popularity – in the 2018 elections, the share of the popular vote rose from 4% to 18 % – placing itself as the first party. Salvini first changed the name of the party from ‘The Northern League’ to ‘The League’ (Lega) and reoriented the party’s manifesto from a regional perspective to a nationalist, sovereigntist, and anti-EU movement benefitting at the same time from the migration and refugee crisis (2014-2015) which affected greatly Italy. In that period Lega strengthened cooperation with the Brothers of Italy, a more moderate far-right party, and Forza Italia, Berlusconi’s right political force. The three parties have won several regional elections in recent years and today they rule in 14 out of 20 Italian regions. However, on the national level, after the election of 2018, Lega established the government together with the Five Star Movement, a center populist party. Lega’s popularity skyrocketed approaching 40% in summer 2019. In consequence, Lega, hoping of snap elections, tried in vain to topple down the government by launching a no-confidence vote. However, The Five Star Movement created a new government with the center-left and Lega’s popularity dramatically decreased. In February 2021 Mario Draghi’s cabinet, a technocratic government replaced the center-left coalition. Lega joined a new government that gained the support of a very wide coalition in the parliament.
LEADER
Matteo Salvini
Salvini has been the Federal Secretary of the League since 2013. Known as ‘The Captain’ by his supporters, Salvini is a far-right politician that recasts the League from a party promoting federalism or even separatism to a deeply conservative, Italian national and Eurosceptic party, marked by strong opposition to immigration and civil rights. He was born in 1973 in Milan which still occupies a central place in his career. Salvini was the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Interior between 2018 and 2019. At that time, he became one of the most appreciated politicians at the national level. However, his star started to fade after he left the government.
TOP MED
Giancarlo Giorgetti
Giorgetti became the Deputy Secretary of Lega in 2013. He was Secretary of the Council of Ministers between 2018 and 2019. In February 2021 he was nominated Minister of Economic Development in Draghi’s government. His position in the party is based on very close relations with the business community in the North of Italy.
Luca Zaia
Luca Zaia is an italian politician, Governor of the Veneto Region from 2010. Already extremely popular in the Veneto Region, Zaia won the last two regional elections by a high margin. Due to the management of the COVID-19 crisis in Veneto – one of the most affected region in Italy – Zaia gained an incredible popularity and earned widespread admiration even from outside the League party. According to opinion polls, today Zaia is one of the most liked politicians in Italy and become Salvini’s main rival within the party.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2008 - 2018
European elections 2009 - 2019
Attitude to the EU
The League held a strong and severe position against the European Union. Since its foundation in the 90’, the League claimed to be a hard Eurosceptic party, postulating the maintenance of their national currency and the illegitimacy of any further transfer of state power to the European institutions. Matteo Salvini blamed the European Union for the consequences of the economic crisis that Italy had to face in 2008 and for the management of the refugee crisis (2014-2015). He he even threatened Brussels to leave the EU mainly due to budgetary/monetary quarrels. However, since joining the government in 2018, Salvini has repeatedly denied The League’s intentions to leave the EU or the Eurozone. In 2020 the League radicalized its tone against the Union trying to take advantage from tough negotiations at EU level on the COVID-19 Recovery Fund but since it endorsed the Draghi’s government its position has softened, again.
European alliances
The League in the EP joined various groups, but mostly it found a common ground with the UKIP. Today, Lega is a co-leader of the Identity and Democracy group (ID) at the European level. It has the largest representation in the group and Marco Zanni, League’s head in the EP leads it. In the group Lega cooperates especially with the National Rally (France). The alliance with Le Pen’s party emerged after the election of 2014. Nevertheless, before the European elections of 2019, Lega held talks with Fidesz (Hungary) and PiS (Poland) about the possibility to form a larger alliance. These talks between Lega and the ruling parties of Poland and Hungary have been renewed in 2021 after Fidesz left EPP. They resulted in a common declaration of soft Eurosceptic parties endorsed in July 2021 which was arranged by the trio Lega-Fidesz-PiS.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Anti-Immigration
The League showed its strong opposition to immigration during the refugee crisis and again in 2017, when the party heavenly stood against the introduction of the ‘Ius soli’ – a bill that would grant Italian citizenship to the children of foreigners born in Italy who have spent at least five years in school. The 2018 Lega’s political campaign has been marked by a strong political opposition against migrants, blamed of economic decline, criminality, and terrorism. Lega politicians quite often use a racist language against people of migrant background.
National sovereignty and Russia
The League defines itself as a nationalist and sovereigntist political party. According to the League, Italy should be ‘freer’ from the obligations resulting from the membership in international organisations (opt-outs). In this sense, particular concern is expressed against the European Union which, as claimed many times by Salvini, hampers the socio-economic development of the country. Salvini, putting the national sovereignty at the first place, Salvini expresses his admiration of Putin’s Russia. Lega established a close cooperation with the Kremlin. It is an official partner of the Russian governing party United Russia. Lega also differs from the EU’s mainstream by a strong opposition to the sanctions against Russia and its endorsement of the Russian annexation of Crimea.
Fiscal policy
The League is opposed to statism and support lower taxation at the national level, especially for families and small entrepreneurs. For example, The League is advocating the introduction of a 15% Flat Tax for all VAT holders up to 65.000 euros and in a second stage for its extension to families. Overall, they want to achieve a simplification of the Italian tax system. In parallel, The League remain sceptical about the centralisation of fiscal policies in Rome.
PERSPECTIVES
The League’s standing has weakened decisively since it left the government in Summer 2019. Brothers of Italy benefited from the disappointment of populist electorate from Lega’s performance. Giorgia Meloni’s party is now significantly higher in the polls as Lega’s support has decreased to 15%. There is now a great rivalry between the two parties as Lega joined Mario Draghi’s technocratic government and the Brothers remained in the opposition. Secondly, Italians largely appreciated the management of the COVID-19 crisis by the authorities and especially by 5 Star Movement Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte (2018-2021). Hence, The League was not able to build itself on a social anger like it did during the migration crisis. After the upcoming election (2023) Lega may create the government with the Brothers of Italy and Forza Italia with whom cooperates on the regional level. However, a lot will depend on the League’s readiness to accept a second role in such government. With the current context of the war in Ukraine, Lega and Salvini – who has been vocal in the past about Vladimir Putin – popularity have continued to fall. The party is now polling at 16% while its rival FdI is at 22%.
KEY POSITIONS
Official website
Official Facebook page
Official Twitter account

Kommounistiko Komma Elladas / Communist Party of Greece

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
Founded in 1918 following the Communist October Revolution that took place in Russia in 1917, the Socialist Labour Party of Greece (the party renamed itself Communist Party of Greece in 1924) is the oldest party that operates on the Greek political scene. Since its establishment, the party has been based on the fundamental principle of Marxism-Leninism, according to which modern societies are characterized by inequalities and class struggle. The KKE was banned in 1936 during the dictatorship of Ioannis Metaxas and was restored just after the fall of the Greek military junta in 1974. Over this period – even if illegitimate – the party played a great role to support the Resistance during the Second World War and was a main force during the Greek civil war. From 1974 onwards, the Communist Party of Greece participated in all the national, regional, and European elections, swinging from 6 to 10%. After the 2019 political elections, the Communist Party affirms itself as the fourth party in the Hellenic Parliament.
LEADER
Dimitris Koutsoumpas
Born in Lamia in 1955, Koutsoumpas is the current General Secretary of the Central Committee. His family was militants fighting against the Nazi occupation (1941-1944) and during the civil war (1946-1949). Some of them were executed, the others were imprisoned or exiled. Koutsoumpas is not only the „absolute” leader of the party but also one of its oldest members. In 1973 he participated in the Athens Polytechnic uprising, a massive and violent student protest against the Regime of Colonels. At the 12th party’s Congress, in 1987, Koutsoumpas was elected to the Central Committee of the KKE, in 1996 to the politburo, and eventually became General Secretary of the KKE in 2013 during the 19th Congress of the Party.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2009 - 2019
European elections 2009 - 2019
Attitude to the EU
The Communist Party of Greece supports the Greek-exit from any international organization, such as NATO, the UN and evidently the EU which are considered by the KKE as the reiteration of capitalist interests. The KKE does not think that the EU can provide the European people with certain benefits -to the contrary- it is a tool of exploitation of working class by the capitalists. In the previous decades, the KKE opposed the entry of Greece into the European community, the 1992 Maastricht Treaty and further enlargement. When it comes to foreign policy, the KKE is often on collision course with the EU’s mainstream. It is vocal regarding its support towards communist regimes in Asia or in South America, being is the same time overtly anti-US.
European alliances
The Communist Party of Greece does not belong to any political group in the European Parliament. Formerly the KKE was a member of the GUE-NGL group, gathering extreme-left parties in the EP but in 2014 it left the GUE-NGL group and decided to remain independent. According to the party, the group is too soft on its relations towards the European Union and is betraying the interest of European peoples. Meanwhile, the KKE has contributed to the establishment of the Initiative of Communist and Workers’ Parties (INITIATIVE), an European Marxist–Leninist political group.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Anti-Capitalism – Anti-Imperialism
According to the KKE’s manifesto, the contemporary world is marked by injustice and widespread social inequalities caused by capitalism and imperialism, two social-economic and political systems which are intertwined and deeply rooted in Western culture. Therefore, the party advocates the necessity for a transition from capitalism to socialism and from imperialism to the self-determination of people. The party believes that the 2008 global economic crisis should be seen as the culmination of the disease of the European capitalist system.
Communism
The main idea of the KKE is the construction of a communist Greek society. In order to transform the society from a capitalist one to a communist one, the KKE believes that the first step consists of the socialist revolution led by the working class (semi-proletarian, farmers, workers). This will be the final victory for them in the overthrow of the bourgeois power. The manifesto of the party affirms that the KKE will have a guiding role in this process in supporting and organizing the revolution.
Anti-LGBT
The KKE is openly anti-LGBT which might appear surprising when it comes to a far-Left party as most of them support this community and its rights. However, the KKE is rejecting such developments as proven by its opposition to the “Civil Partnership Bill” proposed by far-Left Syriza in 2015. They hence voted, unanimously, against same-sex marriage alongside with far-right Golden Dawn. On this specific vote, KKE defended its position as an expression of opposition to the adoption of children by homosexual couples.
PERSPECTIVES
The KKE is one of the last Communist parties in Europe which is still playing a role in the political life of the country. The support of the party has always been constant – between 4 and 10% since 2000 – but the party struggles to do more than 5% since the 2010s. Indeed, the 2019 national and European elections reported a slight decrease. The KKE has won in the most recent elections mainly the fourth or fifth place, and around 15 seats out of 300. As of today, the popularity of the party has increased slightly and is stable in the polls at 6-7%. It means, that the party is unable to attract considerably more voters but can still count on a small but solid electoral base within the population.

Elliniki Lisi / Greek Solution

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The Greek Solution (EL) was established in June 2016 by Kyriakos Velopoulos. Since its establishment, Greek Solution has held a very severe position against migration, both regarding the current situation that Greece is facing but also the future. It puts also an emphasis on the opposition to the presence of the Muslim community in Greece and the advocacy to strengthen the position of the Orthodox Church. The 2019 political elections – the first national elections for the party – were an important turning point for the Greek solution. The party overtook Golden Dawn – the Greek Neo-Nazi party which has eventually been dissolved in 2019 – in the Hellenic parliament, affirming itself as the most important far-right political force in the country.
FOUNDER
Kyriakos Velopoulos
Born in 1965 in West Germany from Greek farmers who emigrated to Germany, Kyriakos Velopoulos has been the founder and the leader of Greek Solution from the very beginning. Kyriakos Velopoulos consecrated his study in journalism, becoming suddenly a popular telemarketing salesman in the country. Although Greek Solution is a recently formed party, the political career of Kyriakos Velopoulo is long-standing. Until 1988, Kyriakos Velopoulos was a member of the ONNED, the youth organization of New Democracy (ND). More recently, Kyriakos Velopoulos was also a candidate of the Popular Orthodox Rally, right ultra-nationalist party in the 2004 Greek parliamentary elections. With Greek Solution, Velopoulos has been elected as MP in the 2019 general elections.
TOP MED
Emmanouil Fragkos
Fragkos is currently serving as a Member of the European Parliament. Being born in 1993, Fragkos represents the young generation of the party. He studied Veterinary Medicine at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. During the European elections, he was ranked second on the list of his party, just behind the Founder and Leader of Greek Solution, Velopoulos. The latter resigned from his post a few months later to become a National MP, leaving the seat for Fragkos. He is currently a member of the Committee on International Trade, the Committee on Petitions, and the Delegation to the CARIFORUM-EU Parliamentary Committee.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2019
European elections 2019
Attitude to the EU
Greek Solution holds sceptical stances towards the European Union and its role during the 2008 economic crisis that affected dramatically the Greek economy. In this sense, one of the main positions of the party concerns the management of the Eurozone. On many different occasions, Kyriakos Velopoulos claimed the need to create a parallel ‘private currency to strengthen the liquidities of the Greek economy’ while remaining in the Eurozone and borrowing from markets.
European alliances
Greek Solution is a member of the European Conservatives and Reformists group, a soft-Eurosceptic political force in the European Parliament. However, being a relatively young political force with a rather small support in the country and having only one Member of the European Parliament, its capacity to build strong links with other parties in Europe is rather limited.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Pro-Russia
According to the Greek Solution party’s manifesto, more intense relations with Vladimir Putin’s Russia will enable Greece to finally overcome its economic situation. The leader of the Greek Solution has reiterated the need for a closer alliance with Russia and strengthening of cultural relations based on the shared Orthodox values. The party has also been accused of receiving money from the Kremlin in the media but Velopoulos has denied it.
Anti-Immigrants
The slogan ‘Greeks First’ has been displayed on many occasions (rallies, party congresses, etc.), showing the willingness of the party to put forward a ‘strict migration policy’ such as a wall built along Greece’s land borders with Turkey to keep out migrants. Velopoulos perceives Orbán’s migration policy as a template and fully shares the Hungarian prime minister’s vision of a Christian Europe without Islamic influence.
Anti-Prespa Agreement
Greek Solution is vehemently against the Prespa Agreements which were in 2019 signed by Athens (hence represented by former PM Alexys Tsipras from SYRIZA) and Skopje regarding the use of the name “North Macedonia” and endorsed by the EU. These agreements have not been challenged by the current Prime Minister Mitsotakis and his party New Democracy. Greek Solution is following the nationalist ideas claiming a withdrawal from this agreement and the ban for Skopje to use the historical name “Macedonia”.
PERSPECTIVES
Since the 2019 general elections and the dissolution of the Golden Dawn, Greek Solution is the only noticeable far-right party in Greece. Although at the 2019 political elections the party gained only 10 seats out of 300 in the Hellenic parliament, it was a breakthrough because EL completely overtook the Neo-Nazi party Golden Dawn. Since these elections, Greek Solution has slightly increased its support polling currently at 5%. However, the party has not proved to be able to play a more significant role in Greek politics despite being vocal about the failures of COVID management from the Government. Moreover, the New Democracy, the traditional center-right party ruling the country has maintained high popularity since 2019. However, a new crisis such as economic, energetic or migration could destabilize Greece and the ruling party and thus provide Greek Solution with some opportunities.
KEY POSITIONS
Official website
Official Facebook page
Official Twitter account

Fiatal Demokraták Szövetsége – Magyar Polgári Szövetség / Alliance of Young Democrats – Hungarian Civic Alliance

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
Fidesz, which forms an alliance with the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) is the largest political formation and the senior ruling party of Hungary. The party was created in 1988 as an underground civic activist movement against the then-communist rule in the country. The Hungarian pronunciation of the abbreviation Fidesz is also identical to the Latin word fides, meaning faith, honesty, trust. During Hungary’s first parliamentary elections in 1990, though it received only 6%, the party became a vocal and popular parliamentary formation. At its 1993 party congress, they changed their political position from liberal to « civic-centrist » which led to an ideological split in the membership. After disappointing election results in 1994, the party moved to become more conservative. For the first time, Fidesz formed a government between 1998 and 2002 and then went into opposition in the next 8 years, having grown to become the most popular party as support for its ideological enemy, the Hungarian Socialist Party, virtually disappeared. The fragmented predicament of the opposition, the control of media, capture of state institutions, and the electoral law based on gerrymandering and first-past-the-post system allowed the party to score three consecutive two-thirds victories (seats) in 2010, 2014, and 2018, simultaneously with scoring decisive wins in local elections. Fidesz gradually became a semi-authoritarian nationalistic party that subdued all national media. Hungary under Fidesz also experienced an unprecedented rise of corruption and the development of crony capitalism and oligarchy. Today the country is recognized as the most corrupted EU member state by Transparency International. In effect, according to the Freedom House, an American NGO that conducts research and advocacy on democracy, political freedom, and human rights, Hungary became a partly free country, the only EU member state relegated to that category. The party gradually met with a rising criticism of the EU institutions, member states, and political parties. In 2018 the European Parliament triggered the EU’s so-called Article 7 procedure, a disciplinary process that can result in an EU country losing its voting rights. In consequence, in March 2019 Fidesz’s membership in the European People’s Party was suspended and the party left the EPP in March 2021.
FOUNDER
László Kövér
He is one of the founders of Fidesz. Prior to joining Fidesz, he had been a member of Hungary’s communist ruling party but defied his membership as communism in the Eastern bloc was coming to an end. He has been serving as Speaker since 2010 and briefly jumped in as the Interim President of Hungary in 2012 due to the resignation of former President Pál Schmitt.
LEADER
Viktor Orbán
He has been president of the party since 1993 and Hungary’s prime minister since 2010 and also between 1998 and 2002. Despite serving as PM, Orbán is definitely the most influential figure of the party, and no major decisions can be implemented without his consent. Orbán became nationally known after giving an address at the 1989 reburial of Imre Nagy, a legendary leader of the 1956 revolution, in which he openly demanded that Soviet troops leave the country. Under his leadership, Fidesz shifted away from its original center-right, classical liberal, pro-European platform toward right-wing nationalistic conservatism. Orbán attacks often the European Union while accepting its money and funneling it to his allies and family. It has led to characterizations of his government as a kleptocracy.
TOP MED
Zsolt Semjén
He is the leader of the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) since 2003, which formed a coalition and alliance with Fidesz. He is Hungary’s deputy prime minister since 2010. As a deputy PM, he has been responsible for the government’s outreach to ethnic Hungarians in the neighboring countries, as well as the government’s minority policy and relations with ethnic Hungarian parties in neighboring countries.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2010 - 2018
European elections 2009 - 2019
Attitude to the EU
While Fidesz during its pre-government years was a fiercely pro-Western formation, Viktor Orbán introduced a Eurosceptic agenda to emphasize Hungary’s national sovereignty that was first reflected in clashes with EU institutions about Hungarian press regulations and economic decisions of the government. This was further evidenced in the case of rule of law issues, the EU’s migration policy and the ruling party’s so-called Eastern Opening Policy that resulted in strengthened ties with Moscow, Ankara, Beijing, and Turkic republics.
European alliances
Orbán, because of his spectacular „transformation” of Hungary became a hero and source of inspiration for many European right-wing populists (e.g. Salvini, Kaczyński, Janša) and he also provided them with support during the electoral campaigns. Despite being the member of EPP until 2021, Orbán cooperated with several parties which do not belong to the Christian Democratic political group. Orbán established a particularly intensive relationship with the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), noting „strategic cooperation” between the parties and „friendly ties based on mutual confidence and Christian-conservative values”. On the other hand, he rejected association with Marine Le Pen’s National Rally. and instead endorsed François Fillon, the candidate of The Republicans, in the 2017 French presidential election. In 2019 Orbán also praised Matteo Salvini, the leader of the League, declaring him an „ally and our fellow combatant in the fight for the preservation of European Christian heritage and the tackling of migration”. After 2015 Hungary under Fidesz became also especially close to Poland ruled by the Law and Justice (PiS). After the exit from the EPP, Orbán created a sort of informal “founding committee” with PiS and Lega attempting at the reshuffle of European political scene. Many political parties of Hungarian minorities in neighbouring countries are said to be allies of the Fidesz.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Anti-LGBT+
In recent years LGBT+ gained the status of Fidesz’s enemy number one. In May 2020 Hungary approved a law that bans transgender people from changing the gender they were assigned at birth on official documents. In December 2020 Fidesz amended the definition of family in the constitution to allow an effective ban on adoption by same-sex couples. After the amendment, the Hungarian constitution defines family as “based on marriage and the parent-child relation. The mother is a woman, the father a man.” It also mandates that parents raise children in a conservative spirit. “Hungary defends the right of children to identify with their birth gender and ensures their upbringing based on our nation’s constitutional identity and values based on our Christian culture,” it says. In June 2021, the Hungarian parliament passed a bill that featured provisions banning depictions of LGBT persons in mass media or educational materials that may be viewed by underage persons. The legislation is described by human rights watchdogs as conflating homosexuality with paedophilia. Leaders of 17 EU countries signed a joint statement condemning the legislation and threatening to challenge it in European courts over human rights violations.
Soros and antisemitic tropes
Hungarian-born American billionaire George Soros, who is of Jewish origin, emerged as Viktor Orbán’s „eternal” ideological enemy combing all evils. He has been repeatedly targeted by Fidesz and Orbán in its media and poster campaigns and national surveys. These attacks frequently reproduce antisemitic tropes. Moreover, the party relativizes the Hungarian complicity in the Holocaust and cultivates the historical personalities which were strongly antisemitic. The Hungarian government passed a bill targeting the Soros-funded Central European University which moved from Budapest to Vienna. Meanwhile, Soros' Open Society Foundation relocated from Budapest to Berlin. The government also passed the "Stop Soros Law" that financially sanctions any NGO that "promotes illegal migration".
Christian Europe and anti-migration
In the ruling party’s culture war, Christianity is presented as a key foundation of Europe and Hungary and the main justification for defying Muslim refugees and migrants in the EU. Sometimes Orbán alluded even to racism by saying „we do not want our own colour, traditions and national culture to be mixed with those of others.” Indeed, as the 2014-2015 migration crisis hit the European continent, Fidesz introduced fiercely anti-migrant and anti-refugee rhetoric and introduced various laws violating the rights of refugees. Today, the “threat” of Muslim migration still from time to time is one of the main topics of pro-government propaganda.
PERSPECTIVES
The party suffered, because of the cooperation between the opposition which ran joint lists, considerable defeats in cities during the 2019 local elections, including the loss of Budapest’s mayoral seat. In consequence, in 2020 opposition parties agreed on running with a common candidate for Prime Minister, which will be selected in a primary election. They expect the candidate to be selected by October 2021. They also decided on running together on a common list solidifying their electoral alliance. In effect, 2022 will pose the greatest challenge ever to Fidesz if the opposition can present itself as a united and efficient coalition. The economic consequences of the coronavirus pandemic could also have a major impact on the ruling party’s popularity. In most opinion polls conducted in 2021, Fidesz has been losing slightly against the united opposition. Nevertheless, it may be difficult for the opposition to gain the majority because more than half of MPs will be elected in single-member constituencies and Fidesz won around 85% of them in 2018.

Dei Lenk / The Left

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, ideological disagreements arose within the Luxembourg Communist Party (KPL). Consequently, in 1993, dissenting members of the Communist Party decided to create The New Left, to move politically away from the KPL. The party was established by André Hoffmann. He was a student in Paris during the 1968 riots. He then joined the Luxembourg Communist Party, notably to campaign against the Vietnam war. The New Left will become The Left in January 1999, aiming to gather activists and voters from a wider left section of the electorate. The Left participated for the first time in parliamentary elections in 1999, resulting in gaining its first representative to the Luxembourg Parliament. Gradually since then, the party increased moderately its electoral base. Nevertheless, its representation in the Luxemburg Parliament remained limited (two seats of 60 MPs). The party is headed by a collective leadership (national coordination).
FOUNDER
Marc Baum
Marc Baum was born in 1978. He is part of The Left founding activists and was a member of the Esch-sur-Alzette City council from 2008 to 2014. Between 2016 and 2017, Marc Baum represented The Left within the Luxembourg Parliament in replacement of one of the MPs. In 2017, he decided to return to Esch-Sur-Alzette City Council as an alderman.
LEADER
David Wagner
David Wagner was born in 1979. He joined the Luxembourg Socialist Party in 1996 and became General Secretary of the Jeunesses Socialistes (Socialist youth movement) before resigning from all his functions at the end of 1998, to participate in the foundation of The Left in 1999. He was elected alderman of Luxembourg City in 2011, a mandate from which he resigned on a rotating basis in 2014. In 2017, he was again elected to the Luxembourg City Council. An MP for his party since April 2015, he retains his seat after the legislative elections of October 2018.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2009 - 2018
European elections 2009 - 2019
Attitude to the EU
Generally, the Left does not perceive positively a further integration of the EU in the current shape. At the European level, The Left has three prominent positions: the party advocates tax harmonization based on a highly progressive system, favours a European fiscal policy to increase taxation on international companies and campaigns against further negotiation and ratification of free-trade agreements with external partners. Finally, on an institutional level, the party advocates for a reinforcement of the Parliament’s powers to grant individual MEPs their own legislative initiative powers.
European alliances
The Left is member of the European United Left/Nordic Green Left group (GUE/NGL) at the European level. However, The Left never had any representatives in the European Parliament which limit considerably its relevance.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Alterglobalization
As a far-left political movement, The Left is a strong advocate of anti-capitalism in a country well known for its financial institutions and presence of international companies. The Left calls for “alter-globalization”, namely it declares that it wants to rebuild international relations and based it on solidarity and on the respect of human rights rather than on competition and exploitation. More than that, the party advocates for global redistribution of wealth and equitable access to resources.
Environment
The Left calls for the sustainable protection of natural resources as a means of livelihood as well as for a socio-ecological transformation based on equitable distribution of wealth and solidarity both at national and international levels.
Inclusive social security
The Left is committed to the strengthening of social security based on solidarity. Their main objective is to adapt the wealthier state to the increasing life expectancy and develop it in a more inclusive and personalized way.
PERSPECTIVES
Today, the Left is established in the Luxembourg political spectrum as the main far-left opposition party. However, the party is isolated in its positions and cannot easily find alliances at the national level, as it is also vocal about its contradictions with both the KPL (communists) and the LSAP (social democrats). Because of its unique position in the national debate, it does not seem plausible in the short-term to see the Left and Luxembourg mainstream parties (Christian-Democrat, liberals, socialists, and, more recently, Greens) to form a coalition and give the opportunity to the party to be part of a national government. Moreover, the party lost important support in the past few months and is now polling only at 2%. Increase of popularity for extreme right ADR and Pirate seem to be fatal to DL.
KEY POSITIONS
Official website
Official Facebook page
Official Twitter account

Fratelli d’Italia / Brothers of Italy

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
During the technocratic government of Mario Monti – established in 2011 in order to recover from the severe economic crisis that Italy was going through – the right-wing parties suffered from a political crisis as well. In consequence, in 2012 Ignazio La Russa, Guido Crosetto, and Giorgia Meloni established a new party called “Brothers of Italy – National Centre-Right” (FdI-CN), which was renamed “Brothers of Italy” in 2014. This sovereigntist party claimed from its very beginning the traditional values of the family, Catholicism, and held strong opposition to immigration and rather a sceptical approach to the EU. It established close cooperation- particularly on the regional level – with Lega and Forza Italia. At the 2018 political election, the Brothers obtained 23 seats in the Chamber and 18 in the Senate. Gradually their parliamentary representation increased and they have 37 members in the Chamber and 21 in the Senate. After the elections of 2018, the party remained in opposition even towards Mario Draghi’s government which was created in February 2021.
FOUNDER
Guido Crossetto
Crosetto is the founder of Brothers of Italy together with Ignazio La Russa and Giorgia Meloni. He was the party’s first leader (2012-2013). Born 1963 in Piedmont Region, during the 2008 government of Silvio Berlusconi was appointed as undersecretary at the Ministry of Defence. At the 2013 political elections, Crosetto was a candidate for the Senate for Brothers of Italy but he was not elected since the party did not exceed the minimum barrier of 3%. Although Crosetto is not an elected representative to this day, he can be definitely considered as a top politician within the Brothers of Italy since he is the main coordinator of the party.
LEADER
Giorgia Meloni
Born in Rome in 1977, Giorgia Meloni has been the President of the Brothers of Italy since 2014. Meloni is the first Italian woman to lead a major political party. Engaged in politics since 1996 when she started her militancy in the post-fascist National Alliance as head of the student movement. In 2009 National Alliance merged with Berlusconi’s Forza Italia and created the People of Freedom. She took over the leadership of the united party’s youth section. Meloni has been elected several times member of the Italian Parliament since 2006. She became the youngest ever the Vice President of the Chamber. She also served as Minister of the Youth between 2008 and 2011 in Silvio Berlusconi’s government. In the local elections of 2016, Meloni was supported by her party and the League stood for mayor of Rome but she did not pass the first round. However, her popularity has incredibly increased since the elections of 2018 and 2019. She gained the status of one of the most influential Italian politicians. In 2020, she was elected the president of the European Conservatives and Reformists.
TOP MED
Ignazio La Russa
La Russa was born in 1947 in Paternò, Catania, Sicily. Although he originally started his career as a criminal defence lawyer, dedicated himself to politics since 1985 when he became the regional councillor of Lombardy Region. Appointed as Minister of Defence during the 2008 government of Silvio Berlusconi and national coordinator of the party People of Freedom, La Russa founded ‘Brothers of Italy – National Centre-Right (FdI-CN)’ in 2012. He was the second leader of the party between 2013 and 2014. Today being today Vice President of the Senate, he’s among the most influential politicians within the party.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2013 - 2018
European elections 2014 - 2019
Attitude to the EU
Brothers of Italy stresses the primacy of national sovereignty over the EU and its institutions. For what concerns the European Union as well, the party often uses offensive tone against it, calling it for instance “club of usurers”. The party complains of the incapacity of the EU to address real problems – as the illegal immigration to Italy – and to be under the control of Germany (and to some extent France). However, Brothers of Italy’s Euroscepticism remains “constructive” as the latest declarations from Meloni proves that the party is not seeking for an Italy-exit but rather for a refoundation of the EU and its treaty, reducing the role of Brussels and avoiding a federal perspective.
European alliances
Brothers of Italy is part of the European Conservatives and Reformists Group (ECR) at the European level developing cooperation especially with the largest parties in the group: Law and Justice (Poland) and Vox (Spain . At the same time, the party has close links with several European far-right parties coming from other groups such as Fidesz or the National Rally.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Anti-Immigration
Brothers of Italy used to define migration as a ‘big issue to solve’. As much as the League, Brothers of Italy address migrants with a harsh language. The party complains about the number of migration flows from Africa toward Italy and claims that Italy does not have the capacity to host foreigners. The party mostly based its political campaign on the many ‘threats’ posed by migrants, such as on health, economy, and unemployment. In 2019, Giorgia Meloni literally proposes to “sink” the Sea Watch that was rescuing migrants in the Mediterranean.
Traditional Catholic values
The party is conservative and perceives itself as a defender of Catholic and traditional values to a much larger degree than the League. Brothers of Italy only supports the ‘traditional family’ model composed of a man, a woman, and children. Homosexual marriage and adoptions are rejected. The party also strongly supports the ‘Movement for Life’ which aims to change the Law n°194 that affirms the right of abortion for women. On this line, Giorgia Meloni defined abortion as a ‘major defeat for Italy and humanity.
Italian Nationalism
Brothers of Italy, which takes its name from the Italian national anthem, is the latest heir to the Italian Social Movement (MSI), founded by survivors of fascism after the Second World War. As such, Brothers of Italy defends a specific vision of Italy when it comes to its history, leading some analysts to label this party as ‘post-fascist. It has been mentioned that the Brothers of Italy would like to change the most important commemoration dates in order to have a more reunited country. At the same time, the party promotes the rise of natality, defense of the Italian people, its language and its traditions (especially in face of the alleged Islamization threat), and protection of the national economy.
PERSPECTIVES
According to the most recent polls, Brothers of Italy is today the most popular Italian party with the support exceeding 22% with more or less the same score that Democratic Party but significantly higher than The League (16%). One reason to explain it seems to be the refusal of Brothers of Italy to join the technocratic government of Mario Draghi (2021) and which gathers most of the political forces in Italy including The League. At the same time, FdI is benefitting from the disintegration of former PM Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia and the political mistakes committed by the League in recent years. The popularity of Brothers of Italy is expected to rise in the coming months and the party should play a key role in the future general elections (2023). Probably the Brothers will become the main force of a new right-wing coalition that they might create with Lega and Forza Italia. In addition, the party seems to benefit from an active – and disruptive – role at the European level. In the past months, FdI has tried to portrayed itself as the leading force of a new centre-right movement. This re-bipolarization of the Italian political life against PD and the centre-left is expected to bring larger support to FdI compare to other rightist parties and especially LEGA.
KEY POSITIONS
Official website
Official Facebook page
Official Twitter account

Alternativ Demokratesch Reformpartei / Alternative Democratic Reform Party

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The Alternative for Democratic Reform Party (ADR) was created in 1987 to campaign for equal pension regimes for private-sector employees and civil servants. One of the most important events in the history of the party was the adoption, by the Luxembourg government, of a law equalizing pension regimes between the private sector and public sector workers, in August 1998, achieving the very objective ADR was created to pursue. Since the general election of 1989, its electoral results ranged between 5 and 10%, representing 4 to 6 seats in the Luxembourg Parliament (out of 60 seats in total). Finally, it was the only party in Luxembourg that campaigned against the European Constitutional Treaty during the 2005 referendum in the country. Close to 57% of voters supported the ratification of this Treaty. Due to these relatively good results, ADR became the main populist opposition party in the country and has developed a comprehensive program: soft Euroscepticism, economic libertarianism, direct democracy, and Luxembourg identity.
LEADER
Jean Schoos
Schoos is the President of ADR since 2013 and is currently in his third consecutive mandate. If Jean Schoos is not the most visible politician of the party, he has proved to be able to maintain certain stability in the leadership.
TOP MED
Fernand Kartheiser
Fernand Kartheiser is an MP for the ADR since 2009 and is since 2020 the head of the party’s political group in the Parliament. Former officer and former ambassador of Luxembourg to Greece, he oversees defense and foreign policy issues in his party. Fernand Kartheiser was also President of the ADR for a very short time in 2012.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2009 - 2018
European elections 2009 - 2019
Attitude to the EU
Euroscepticism is a very uncommon political position in the Luxembourg political history and the ADR has long been the only party to criticize the European integration. In its criticisms of the EU, the party emphasizes the democratic deficit and transparency issues. Consequently, in a very pro-European Luxembourg, the ADR has difficulties to increase its support despite maintaining a rather soft version of Euroscepticism.
European alliances
ADR is part of the European Conservatives and Reformists group (ECR) at the European level. However, being a small party within this group, ADR does not have a strong position within it. Its role will increase if the party joins the ruling coalition in Luxembourg.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Liberalism and Conservatism
The ADR supports a considerable reduction of public spending and promotes a free-market economy. However, the party’s position can be sometimes contradictory. Moreover, the ADR is particularly conservative on societal issues compared to the Luxembourg political spectrum. For example, the ADR advocated against gay marriage during the 2014 campaign.
Luxembourgish identity
The ADR wants to be the first defender of Luxembourg sovereignty and identity, especially, emphasizing the protection of the Luxembourgish language. One of its main propositions is to make fluency in it a mandatory criterion for naturalization. Moreover, the ADR campaigns during every election on reducing immigration and forbidding the right of foreigners (more than 45% of the population) to vote during the Luxembourg elections.
Direct Democracy
ADR is advocating a consistent fight against all forms of corruption. According to the party, public life must be based on the principle of transparency. Citizens should have wide access to information in the public sector and be able to participate more often in the democratic life of their country through various forms of e-voting, referenda, or plebiscites.
PERSPECTIVES
Today, the ADR is well established in the Luxembourg political spectrum as the main right-wing populist opposition party. However, the ADR is isolated in its positions and cannot build alliances at the national level. Moreover, the party used to be more and more challenged on many issues he is combating, for example by the Pirate Party which is now a leader on the promotion of direct democracy, or by the Left which is a soft Eurosceptic party on the national Luxembourg scene, a position that the ADR used to hold alone. However, due to Covid crisis, the party has experienced a large increase of support to 7%. If, it still does not seem plausible in the short-term to see the ADR and Luxembourg mainstream parties (Christian-Democrat, liberals, socialists, and, more recently, Greens) cooperating, its position has been reinforced while mainstream party from the right is being more and more criticized.

Vänsterpartiet / Left Party

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The Left Party was created under the name Swedish Social Democratic Left Party in a split from the Swedish Social Democratic Party in 1917 and adopted its current name in 1990. The Left Party is a left-wing socialist and feminist party with an environmental perspective. It attempted to get Sweden to join the Non-Aligned Movement in 1980, but it did not succeed. V has never been part of the government at the national level, though it has supported the left governments in the Swedish parliament: 1932-1952, 1958-1976, 1982-1991, 1994-2006, and 2014-2018. After the election of 2018, the Left party provides the minority government with passive and selective support.
LEADER
Nooshi Dadgostar
Dadgostar is of Iranian background. She joined the Young Left at age 14. She has been in parliament since 2014. In 2018 she was appointed deputy leader of the Left Party’s executive board. In the 2018 elections, she was elected and appointed a member of the Social Security Committee and spokesperson for the party on social security matters. She is an alternate member of the EU Committee and a member of the War Delegation. In October 2020 she was elected leader of the party.
Jonas Sjöstedt
Sjöstedt played a prominent role in the European debate in Sweden, not least through the 'no’ side’s campaign for the 2003-euro vote. He was first elected to the European Parliament in 1995 and re-elected in 1999 and in 2004, respectively. In 2010 he was elected to the national parliament. Sjöstedt has been a member of the EU Committee 2010–12 and the Foreign Affairs Committee since 2012. He led the party between 2012 and 2020.
TOP MED
Malin Björk
Björk is an MEP of the Left Party and was Vice-President of the Left in the European Parliament – GUE/NGL, a far-left political group. She is a member of the European Parliament’s Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE) and the Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality. Malin Björk is a feminist activist and co-founded and ran the feminist-lesbian online magazine Scumgirls and the web-based feminist news agency Penelopes. She is also Sweden’s first openly lesbian woman in the European Parliament.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2010 - 2018
European elections 2009 - 2019
Attitude to the EU
For many years, the V was against Sweden’s accession to the European Union and supported a Swedish exit from the EU until February 2019. In February 2019, ahead of the 2019 EU elections, the party voted to drop a longstanding pledge for Sweden to leave the European Union from its manifesto. Nevertheless, the party remains sceptical towards the further integration of the EU and Sweden’s accession to the eurozone.
European alliances
The Left Party is a member of the The Left in the European Parliament – GUE/NGL, a far-left political group. The party cooperates especially with other far left Nordic parties in the Nordic Green Left group but has chosen to remain outside the European Left Party. Meanwhile, the party joined Now the People!, a political movement in the European Union. It was founded in April 2018 and is composed of far-left parties from Nordic countries which are members of the Nordic Green Left, Podemos (Spain), La France Insoumise (France) and Left Bloc (Portugal). In the Nordic Council the V established a Nordic Green Left Alliance with far-left parties from Norway, Finland, Iceland, Greenland, Denmark and Faroe Islands.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Secure labour market
Generally, the party believes that the economy should be controlled by the state. The Left party works for stronger labour law and says no to wage dumping. They demand that everyone who works in Sweden must have Swedish collective agreements and that public procurement must ensure fair conditions. According to their manifesto, good welfare is linked to a secure labour market. The V advocates, among other things, a large public sector, an increase of taxes, especially for high-income earners and large companies.
Common welfare
The party wants to remove the profit motive from the common welfare. They demand that tax money should go to health care, school, and care, not to private corporate profits. The party argues that private activities that are run on a non-profit basis can be positive, but companies that are run to make a profit should not engage in schools and should not operate in health care.
Socialist equality
The party sees Marxist and feminist analysis tools as important for its policy. The Left Party is critical of what is believed to be the inability of the capitalist market economy to meet the needs of man, therefore it wants to abolish capitalism and patriarchy in favor of an equal socialist society. The V declares that it wants to create a society free from class, gender, and ethnic oppression, a just and ecologically sustainable society where women and men build their own future in freedom and cooperation.
PERSPECTIVES
In 2021 the Left Party has shown its influence on the political scene. At the end of June 2021, the Riksdag ousted Prime Minister Stefan Löfven with a no-confidence vote. This was the first time in Swedish history a Prime Minister did not survive such a vote. It was called after the Left Party withdrew support for Löfven’s government. The Left Party supported the no-confidence vote but abstained during the vote on endorsement of Löfven’s third government that took part a few weeks later, in consequence, allowing its re-election. According to opinion polls, the support for Left Party increased in 2021 but dropped below 10% very recently. Nomination of new Prime Minister Magdalena Andersson at the end of November seems to have been consequential with an important boost of support the mainstream left. Upcoming elections in 2022 will be crucial for V party if it wants to continue to play a significant role in Swedish politics and be potentially part of the governing coalition.
KEY POSITIONS
Official website
Official Facebook page
Official Twitter account

Sverigedemokraterna/ Sweden Demorcats

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The Sweden Democrats were formed in 1988 with a nationalist opposition to immigration as the main purpose. A negative view on globalization and the opposition to Swedish EU membership was added early on. In 1995 the party began an ideological reform, removing links to the white power movement and neo-Nazism. In 2005, the current party leader Jimmie Åkesson was elected party leader and a new generation of people came to power. In the 2014 European Parliament elections, the Sweden Democrats received almost 10 percent of the vote, which gave the party a seat in the European Parliament for the first time. In the parliamentary election the same year, the party received 13 percent of votes, thus the SD became the third-largest political force and was entitled to the post of second deputy speaker of the parliament. In the 2018 Swedish general election, the party received increased support, when it polled 17 percent and again ended up the third.
LEADER
Jimmie Åkesson
Åkesson was elected to the municipal council in his hometown Sölvesborg (South Sweden) as a 19-year-old. He was chairman of the party’s youth union Sweden Democratic Youth from 2000–2005. In 2005 he became the party’s leader. As the main author of the party’s program, which was adopted in 2003, and later as party leader, Åkesson has actively tried to reduce the xenophobic appearance in the Sweden Democrats’ media image. Under his leadership, the party has received a sharp increase in voter support.
TOP MED
Richard Jomshof
He has served as Secretary of the Sweden Democrats since January 2015. He has been a Member of the Riksdag since 2010. He was chief editor of SD-Kuriren (The SD courier) from 2000 to 2009. Between 2012 and 2015 he was the SD’s spokesman on legal affairs. After leaving university, Jomshof became a professional musician, co-founding the Swedish synthpop band Elegant Machinery. Jomshof’s original political background was in the center-right Moderate Youth League and he had also previously voted for the Social Democrats. He became active in the Sweden Democrats in the late 1990s. Jomshof’s father is Finnish, and his surname was Lohikoski until his parents divorced.
Louise Erixon
Louise Erixon has been chairman of the municipal board in Sölvesborg since the election of 2018, making Sölvesborg the first municipality with Sweden Democrats in power. She has been until recently a partner of Jimmie Åkesson. Having Sölvesborg as an experimental lab for realizing SD’s nationalist-colored cultural policy on a small scale, Erixon’s policy has been subjecting national debate several times since the 2018 elections. In 2019 Erixon was recognized as Swedish culture’s most powerful women
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2010 - 2018
European elections 2009 - 2019
Attitude to the EU
The Sweden Democrats do not reject Sweden’s membership in the EU but are against further EU integration. The party is opposed to EU regulations and calls for EU influence over domestic political decision making to be as small as possible. SD rejects joining the Economic and Monetary Union and favours keeping the krona. They also seek to reduce Sweden’s financial contributions to Brussels and renegotiate Swedish membership in the Schengen Area.
European alliances
When the Sweden Democrats gained two members in the European Parliament in the 2014 European elections, they joined the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD) group together with the British United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and the Italian Five Star Movement. In 2018, the party switched to the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR), a soft Eurosceptic group. In the past, the group was dominated by British Tories, but after Britain’s withdrawal from the EU in 2020, the Polish government party Law and Justice (PiS) is the group’s largest party. The SD has focused on cooperation with similar parties in the other Nordic countries, the Danish People’s Party and The Finns, respectively. They are together members of Nordic Freedom, a political group in the Nordic Council.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Anti-immigration and multiculturalism
The party remains strongly opposed to multiculturalism and believes that the "extremely extensive immigration from distant countries and cultural circles" in recent years has had a strong negative impact, both economically and socially. The party welcomes those who contribute to the society, who abides by Sweden’s laws, and who respects the countries practices. In contrast, those who come to take advantage of the Swedish systems, commit crimes, or put citizens at risk are not welcome according to their manifesto. The Sweden Democrats want to stop receiving asylum seekers in Sweden and instead go for “real aid for refugees” in the conflict areas. The party wants to enable more immigrants and refugees to turn back to their native countries.
National conservatism and law and order
According to their manifesto, they feel that rights should be connected to duties, that first you do your duty and then you demand your right. As phrased in their party program: “We will never give space to Islamism or any other extremism, this is a land of democracy and equality. In Sweden, we are proud of our culture and our traditions. We value and wish to cherish what we inherited from previous generations”. The Sweden Democrats want to protect the rule of law and emphasize respect for law and order promoting the idea of a tough stance against criminality which is according to the party co-related with migration. In their party manifesto, the Sweden Democrats argue that Sweden needs a safe and protected border in order to keep organized crime, human trafficking, and terrorism out of the country.
Welfare nationalism
The party wants to protect the welfare state, which includes "health care, schools, and care, as well as financial security systems in the form of income support, pension, unemployment benefits, and health insurance". The Sweden Democrats demand that the Swedish welfare state should be accessible only for Swedish citizens.
PERSPECTIVES
Since 2018, the SD has formed governing coalitions in municipal councils with the Moderate Party and Christian Democrats. In 2019, a Christian Democratic leader announced that her party was willing to enter negotiations with the Sweden Democrats on cooperation in the parliament. In December 2019, the leader of the Moderate Party held an official meeting with the Sweden Democrats for the first time, despite having previously ruled out negotiating with the party. The SD has increased slightly its popularity during the pandemic. In the opinion polls conducted in 2021, the party enjoys averagely the support of around 20% of voters. If SD will continue to play a significant role in Swedish politics, the likelihood of a government including them is lower than a few months ago giving the decline of popularity for them (18%) and their potential conservative ally (22%). However recent urban violence across Sweden could lead Swedish electoral campaign to focus on thematics which are favorable to SD.

Enhedslisten – De Rød-Grønne/ the United List- Red–Green Alliance

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The United List- Red-Green Alliance was formed in 1989 by the Left Socialists (VS), the Danish Communist Party (DKP), and the Socialist Workers’ Party (SAP). The Red-Green Alliance first entered the parliament in 1994 and has since developed into an independent party. In the 2011 parliamentary election, the party tripled its representation from 4 seats to 12 seats in the parliament composed of almost 180 MPs. In the 2015 general election, the party increased its representation even further from 12 seats to 14 seats. In 2019 parliamentary elections partly overlapped with the election to the European Parliament and the Alliance received a very similar result. The Alliance has never joined any government, but it extended its parliamentary support to the governments between 1998 and 2001 and again between 2011 and 2015. Following the parliamentary elections in 2019, the party now serves as a support to the social democratic government. Prior to 2016, the Alliance never directly contested elections to the European Parliament.
LEADER
Mai Villadsen
Villadsen was born in 1991 in Herning in the Central Denmark Region of the Jutland peninsula. She is a member of the Folketing since 2019 and became the political spokesperson of the Red-Green Alliance in February 2021, replacing Pernille Skipper. She is the youngest leader of the parliamentary party in Denmark.
TOP MED
Nikolaj Villumsen
Nikolaj Villumsen was elected to the Danish parliament in 2011, where he has been particularly concerned with EU policy, defense policy, foreign policy, and human rights. He has been a member of the Council of Europe for a number of years. In 2019 he was elected to the EP. He is one of four Vice presidents of the Left in the European Parliament – GUE/NGL.
Peder Hvelplund
Hvelplund is the new group chairman in the parliament and comes from North Jutland. He was elected to the parliament in the election of 2019. He was presented as the new group chairman at the Red-Green Alliance’s summer group meeting in August 2020. Peder Hvelplund replaced Jakob Sølvhøj, who had been group chairman from 2016 to 2020. During the COVID-19 the Alliance made Hvelplund the spokesman of Corona-related issues.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2011 - 2019
European elections 2019
Attitude to the EU
The party has for a long time been campaigning for Denmark’s withdrawal from the EU, but in March 2019, the party announced it would no longer push for a referendum to leave the EU. Two trends pressed the Red-Green Alliance to reconsider its orientation towards EU: the first is the spectacle of Brexit, the second the need for supranational action around the climate crisis.
European alliances
The Alliance belongs to The Left in the European Parliament – GUE/NGL, a far-left political group in the EP and Party of the European Left (PEL), that operates as an association of radical left and communist political parties in European countries. Die Linke (Germany), Syriza (Greece) and La France Insoumise (France) are the key forces in GUE/NGL. The Red-Green Alliance in the Nordic world cooperates with Left Alliance (Finland), Left Party (Sweden), Socialist Left Party (Norway), Socialist People’s Party (Denmark) and Left-Green Movement (Iceland). They established together with parties from Greenland and Faroe Islands the Nordic Green Left political group in the Nordic Council.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Anti-capitalism
The party sees the need for a socialist society and has been declared anti-capitalist. According to the party, the financial crisis must be solved with the help of stricter state control of loans and the nationalization of banks and mortgage lenders. The public sector must be de-stressed, the lowest-paid must get higher wages, and the unemployment benefit period must be extended to a minimum of 4 years. All social benefits must be increased considerably.
Protection of environment
Since its foundation, the party has prioritized the environment. The Red-Green Alliance has come up with its own energy plan, which was to stop straw burning and ensure the construction of more wind turbines. The goal was that by 2030, Denmark should be supplied exclusively with renewable energy sources. At the climate summit 2015, the party criticized as insufficient and unsatisfactory Denmark's efforts for a greener energy policy.
Strict neutrality
The party campaigns for Denmark's withdrawal from NATO. The Alliance is opposed to Denmark's participation in military deployments abroad.
PERSPECTIVES
After the elections of 2019, the Alliance gave parliamentary support to the left government. Among the most ambitious goals for the government period is a 70 percent CO2 reduction in 2030. It is among the Red-Green Alliance’s clearest fingerprints on the coalition agreement. According to opinion polls, the party’s popularity increased in 2021 to around 8%. The phenomenon represents a wider trend of rising support for left parties in Denmark.
KEY POSITIONS
Official website
Official Facebook page
Official Twitter account

Nye Borgerlige / New Right

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The party was founded in 2015 by two former members of the Conservative People’s Party, Pernille Vermund and Peter Seier Christensen. The party entered the parliament after the elections of 2019, gaining four seats from almost 180. It attracted mostly voters and politicians of the Danish People’s Party and Conservatives. Since 2019, Nye Borgerlige has managed to gain considerable support from predominantly middle-aged, male, middle-class voters.
FOUNDER
Pernille Vermund
She has graduated from the Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts and worked as an architect before entering politics. Vermund was a member of the Conservative People’s Party and sat on the municipal council in Helsingør Municipality for the party from 2009 to 2011. Vermund stated that she founded the Nye Borgerlige, as she felt her old party had become too soft on the issues of immigration and the European Union. Vermund was elected to the Folketing in 2019.
LEADER
Peter Seier Christensen
Christensen is deputy chairman of the party NB since 2015. Christensen first ran for parliament in the 2019 election, receiving enough votes for one of The New Right’s leveling seats. Since 2020 Christensen has been the group leader of the party’s parliamentary group.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2019
European elections 2019 - did not participate
Attitude to the EU
Nye Borgerlige wants Denmark to leave the European Union, which it considers a „monstrosity of rules and laws”. According to the party, the Danish membership in the EU threatens „Denmark’s prosperity, progress and democracy”.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Libertarianism
The party’s economic policies are libertarian, unlike the economically "socialist" Danish People’s Party, calling for massive tax cuts and the abolishment of all corporate taxes. The party describes its philosophy as “less state more human being”. The New Right supports the protection of the natural environment but with the reason which should take into consideration economic arguments.
Anti-immigration
The party criticizes the position of the Danish People's Party on immigration as being "too lenient". The New Right wants Denmark to step out of the UN refugee convention and to deport from the country all immigrants who live on temporary residence or are not able to support economically themselves. Foreigners must be deported consistently and immediately after the first conviction. According to the New Right, only people who "contribute positively" to Danish society should be admitted to Denmark’s citizenship. The party also supports a complete ban of the Islamic headscarf from schools and public institutions.
Identity, culture, and sovereignty
According to the party, Denmark should withdraw from international and supranational agreements, which limit the Danish people's sovereignty. The New Right believes that Denmark should be based on a strong, cultural community of Danish values.
PERSPECTIVES
According to the opinion polls conducted in 2022, the New Right enjoys average support of around 6% of voters, which is far weaker than a year ago when they were polling sometimes at 10%. If the party was able to position successfully itself as a vehement critic of the anti-Covid-19 measurements and restrictions undertaken by the government, it was eventually not able to capitalize on that in the last few months. The party was also expected to benefit more from the crisis of the Danish People’s Party, which has been a main far-right political force until very recently. Next election will be capital for NB if they want to establish themselves as the main actor in the Danish far-right spectrum.
KEY POSITIONS
Official website
Official Facebook page
Official Twitter account

Perussuomalaiset, Finns Party

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The Finns Party was established following the dissolution of the Finnish Rural Party in 1995. Since then, the party has managed to grow from a marginal party to a serious contender of the mainstream parties. The Finns Party first gained representation in the European Parliament in 2009, when it gained almost 10% of votes. The turning point for the party’s success was the national election of 2011, where they became the largest opposition party with a vote share of almost 20 percent. After the election of 2015, it became the party that joined the center-right cabinet. This coalition collapsed when the head of the Finns’ extreme anti-immigration faction, Jussi Halla-aho, was elected the party leader in 2017. The party split and Halla-aho’s faction regrouped in opposition. The party capitalized on the neoliberal shifts in Finland with anti-establishment and anti-immigration programs, making them the second-largest party in the 2019 national elections. The party achieved almost the same result as in 2015. In June 2021, Jussi Halla-aho announced that he will retire from the position of party leader in August 2021.
LEADER
Riikka Purra
Purra who was elected first deputy leader of the Finns Party is one of the party’s main ideologues. Purra is an MP and has worked as the party’s policy planner since 2016. Purra’s contribution as a background influencer to the party’s strategies, programming, communication, and increasing the competence of the actors has been significant. Purra has been described as the right hand of leader Jussi Halla-aho, as she has worked very closely with the party leadership. In July 2021, she announced she would run, for the party leadership.
TOP MED
Simo Grönroos
He is Espoo City Councilor and former Executive Director of the Finnish Foundation Think Tank and Party Secretary of the Finns Party since 2019. He was the Secretary-General of the Youth of Basic Finns in 2009–2012. According to Grönroos his biggest job is behind the scenes. As the party secretary, he keeps the administration, the party office, and the field running.
Jussi Halla-aho
From 2014 to 2019 Halla-aho was a member of the European Parliament as part of the Identity and Democracy group. He was elected leader of the Finns Party in 2017 which lead to a split of the party. With Halla-aho’s new party fraction being more anti-immigrant and anti-establishment, he led the renewed Finns Party to success in the 2019 election. The party became the second-largest party in parliament and Halla-aho won the largest share of personal votes in the country. At the end of June 2021, Halla-aho announced that he will retire from his position as a party leader in August. He informed that he will not run for re-election, but will continue his political career in parliament and municipality.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2011 - 2019
European elections 2009 - 2019
Attitude to the EU
Shortly after the leadership election of Jussi Halla-aho in 2017, the party hardened its position towards the European Union. Laura Huhtasaari, the Finns Party candidate for the 2018 Finnish presidential election, stated that she would support leaving the EU should she win the election citing the growth of Brussels’ power at the expense of the member states. The party leaders have promoted the idea of Finland withdrawing from both the Schengen Agreement and the Eurozone.
European alliances
After the European election of 2009, the party became a founding member of the Europe of Freedom and Democracy Group (EFD) in the EP. However, after the 2014 election, the party left the EFD to join the European Conservatives and Reformists Group (ECR). Finally, after the 2019 election the party joined the Identity and Democracy Group. Lega (Italy), National Rally (France) and to a lesser degree, Alternative for Germany are the main players in the group. The Finns cooperate particularly with Sweden Democrats and the Danish People’s Party. In the Nordic Council they created together a political group called Nordic Freedom.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
National identity
The party believes that the Finnish people and their national culture need to be defended against immigrants. They advocate stricter asylum and immigration rules and believe that immigrants should be integrated unilaterally and completely embracing Finnish culture. The party also wants the Swedish language to be abolished as a compulsory subject
Welfare state nationalism
The Finns Party believes that immigration is in direct contraction to the good of the Finnish people. The party claims that migrants are living comfortably on Finnish social security payments and other benefits, while the needs of “the Finnish people” are neglected.
Anti-establishment
The Finns party claims to provide the defense of the common people against the elites, which is necessary since “The Finnish the government has […] spent […] huge sums on immigration and “improving the world”. Should the 'conversation' turn to the care of the elderly and/or the repair of mold-ridden schools, the government says there is no money, and any such payments would be 'painful.'” According to the Finns Party, educational people and decision-makers seem more interested in integrating immigrants than in preparing Finnish young people for the Finnish labor market and this needs to be changed.
PERSPECTIVES
The Finns party’s popularity among those with varying degrees of education has changed considerably compared to the last election, according to a report by the Ministry of Justice in 2019. The party lost up to 15 percentage points of those with lower education, but at the same time managed to make up for the loss with voters who have completed secondary education, a polytechnic degree, and a university degree. According to the study, the support of the Finns Party is relatively stable in different residential areas. In the opinion polls conducted in 2021, the party occupied first place and its support exceeded 20%. But things have changed rapidly and the party has lost around 5% of support. Change of leadership may as well as evolving geopolitical context in which Finland is highly impacted explain the decrease of their support in the society. With the ongoing debates over Finland’s adhesion to NATO due to deteriorating security environment, the popularity of Finns Party has continued to decrease and is now reaching a low point at 14%.
KEY POSITIONS
Official website
Official Facebook page
Official Twitter account

Eesti Konservatiivne Rahvaerakond/ Conservative People’s Party of Estonia

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The Conservative People’s Party of Estonia (EKRE) was formed in March 2012 through the merging of two political forces with similar programs – the Estonian People’s Union and the Estonian National Movement. The party also established its youth wing Blue Awakening. The young activists have been behind many of the party’s protest marches. In addition to politics, the youth of Blue Awakening focus on art, music, and right-wing philosophy. The movement is disciplined, and its activists have formed several squads. Blue Awakening also organizes firearms training. Their activities include rituals shaped after Finno-Ugric shamanism, including celebrations of sunrise on ancient tumuli (a mound of earth and stones raised over a grave or graves). Blue Awakening is the main organizer of the annual torchlight march through Tallinn on 24 February, Independence Day of Estonia. In the period after the 2015 parliamentary election, EKRE’s popularity surged significantly and in the 2019 Estonian parliamentary election, the party gained a third place and increased its number of seats from 7 to 19. In 2019 was EKRE was included in the coalition government. EKRE held 5 out of 15 ministerial positions. At the beginning of 2021, Jüri Ratas, the Prime minister resigned, and the new government was formed but without EKRE.
LEADER
Martin Helme
He is the chairman of the Conservative People’s Party of Estonia since July 2020. He has succeeded his father Mart Helme, one of the founders of the party. After EKRE joined the governing coalition in 2019, Martin Helme was appointed as Estonia’s finance minister and his father became minister of interior. They showed a white-power symbol at their swearing-in ceremony. Martin left the government at the end of 2020.
TOP MED
Jaak Madison
Madison is the deputy chairman of the Conservative People’s Party of Estonia and a member of the European Parliament where he is a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Delegation for relations with the United States and a substitute member for the Committee on Constitutional Affairs and the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs. He is considered the “polished” face of the party.
Mart Helme
He is currently deputy chairman of EKRE. Helme served as Estonia’s ambassador to Russia from 1995 to 1999. He was the long-time chairman of EKRE (2013- 2020). He was the minister of interior between 2019 and 2020. He resigned in November 2020 after comments he made on the US presidential election were slammed by government colleagues. He said the “deep state” operates by pushing forward “dirtbags, corrupt dirtbags that can be blackmailed. Joe Biden and Hunter Biden are corrupt characters.”
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2015 - 2019
European elections 2014 - 2019
Attitude to the EU
While the party does not advocate openly and unequivocally Estonia’s exit from the EU, but it criticizes the current EU because it is “against a federal Europe, against the Commission serving as the European government, against common taxes and attempts to lay down a universal political ideology.” which EKRE defines as neo-Marxism. In April 2021, Mart Helme declared that Estonia should discuss the possibility of leaving the EU.
European alliances
EKRE has established links with other far-right groups in Europe, previously joining the former Italian interior minister Matteo Salvini’s coalition of nationalists and inviting France’s Marine Le Pen to Estonia. In 2019 the party joined Identity and Democracy, a political group in the EP composed of nationalist, right-wing populist, and Eurosceptic national parties. The group is led by League (Italy), National Rally (France) and to lesser degree by Alternative for Germany (AfD, Germany).
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Anti-(EU)migration
EKRE has campaigned on opposition to migrants and refugees, putting forth images of Estonia being flooded by them (native replacement), when in fact very small numbers of people have actually been resettled in Estonia. The immigration issue itself was often framed less by racism than with an anti-Brussels tinge since it was the EU that was pushing settlement quotas onto the individual member states.
Anti- LGBTIQ agenda and feminism
As described by the leader of EKRE’s youth organization Ruuben Kaalep, EKRE’s mission is to fight the LGBTIQ agenda and feminism. In October 2019, party members and supporters protested the LGBTIQ community by crashing their events in different places in Estonia. The party also accused the social affairs minister of using public funding to support the Estonian LGBTIQ Association. The party strictly opposed the civil partnership law on registered partnerships for same-sex couples that was adopted in October 2014. EKRE’s campaign promise to hold a referendum in 2021 on defining marriage as between a man and a woman made it into the coalition agreement in 2019. However, in January 2021, a draft resolution to call a referendum on the definition of marriage was defeated in the Estonian parliament.
National conservatism, Russian minority, and Russia
According to EKRE’s program, the party “is a principled and boldly patriotic Estonian party whose inevitable mission is to protect Estonia's national values and interests.” In their party program, it says that they want for 2030 that “a situation has been achieved where the Estonian people are able to reproduce themselves and we have an Estonian-cultural, Estonian-speaking and pro-Estonian population”. The party has Estonia's Russian-speaking minority from the current Russian language to Estonian language education. On the other hand, Mart Helme criticized Ukrainian immigration to Estonia, on the basis that both Estonian and Russian residents would allegedly "lose their jobs" to lower-wage Ukrainian migrants. He is critical of toughening of EU sanctions against Russia. Helme also rejected suggestions that Russian President Vladimir Putin is an enemy of Estonia, describing Putin as a "pragmatist" who is "pretty neutral" towards Estonia.
PERSPECTIVES
Since 2015 EKRE has entrenched itself solidly on the Estonian political scene. Opinion polls and voting patterns reveal that the Conservative People’s Party of Estonia gets its support mainly from small towns and rural areas. There, the party’s message of anti-immigrant and homophobic feelings and greater government support works well. The antielite rhetoric of EKRE also functions well among people who feel that Estonia’s success story has mainly been driven by urban liberal classes and elites. In 2021 EKRE has benefited from the establishment of the grand coalition becoming the main opposition party. Moreover, opinion polls show that EKRE support is growing also in the Russian community. This phenomenon might be attributed to the party’s socially conservative stance on social policy matters (e. g. opposition to same-sex marriages). In consequence, since 2021, the support for EKRE has increased and is regularly exceeding 20% in opinion polls. Consequences on the evolving geopolitical environment remain to be seen but for the moment EKRE has maintained its popularity around 20%. However, EKRE is now 10 points behind ruling Reform Party which has greatly increased its support during current crisis.
KEY POSITIONS
Official website
Official Facebook page
Mart Helme's Twitter account

Dansk Folkeparti/Danish People’s Party

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The Danish People’s Party (DF) was founded in 1995. The DF’s first annual meeting was in June 1996, on which occasion Pia Kjærsgaard was unanimously elected chairman of the party. Pia Kjærsgaard was chairman until September 2012, when MP Kristian Thulesen Dahl was elected the chairman. With the small exception of 2011, the party has gained more votes with every election since its establishment in 1995 until 2019. The DF gave its support to the Liberal-Conservative government that ruled from 2001 until 2011. While not part of the cabinet, DF cooperated so closely with the governing coalition on most issues to the point that the government was commonly referred to as the „VKO-government” (O being DF’s election symbol). DF received government support for key political stances in return (immigration policy). In the national elections of 2015 DF won more than 20 percent of votes and became the second-largest party in the country. It provided parliamentary support to cabinets from 2016 to 2019, again without participating in it. Moreover, Pia Merete Kjærsgaard served as Speaker of the Danish Parliament from 2015 to 2019. In the election of 2019 however, the support dropped substantially to less than 9 percent. The party, that led in several regions of the country in 2015, was no longer the biggest party in any of the constituencies.
LEADER
Kristian Thulesen Dahl
Dahl has been the leader of the Danish People’s Party since 2012 and one of the party’s founders. Under his leadership the party reached its highest result in vote shares, making it the second-largest party in the country. At the same time, he has now been faced with calls to resign and to make way for a successor because of the party’s drastic drop in vote share in the election of 2019.
TOP MED
Morten Messerschmidt
Messerschmidt was a Member of the European Parliament from Denmark for the Danish People’s Party from 2009 until 2019. In 2020 he became vice-chairman of the DF. Morten Messerschmidt is most likely the Danish People’s Party’s next party leader after Kristian Thulesen Dahl. Messerschmidt was convicted in 2002 for publishing material that attempted to link all Islamic societies to rape, violence, and forced marriages. In 2016, Messerschmidt resigned as EU parliament group leader for the DF, as a result of a fraud scandal concerning EU funds. Finally, in 2021, he was charged with the misuse of almost 100 thousand DKK.
Peter Skaarup
Skaarup has been the parliamentary leader of the Danish People’s Party and a member of the main board since 1998. He has been his party’s foreign, immigration, and defense policy spokesman and has been one of its main strategists. He was deputy chairman of the party from 1998 to 2012. Between 2005-2011 and again from 2015 he has been chairman of the Legal Affairs Committee in the Danish parliament. When Kristian Thulesen Dahl became party leader in September 2012, Peter Skaarup took over as parliamentary leader.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2011 - 2019
European elections 2009 - 2019
Attitude to the EU
The party opposes a cession of Denmark’s sovereignty to the European Union and wants Denmark to leave the EU. It also opposed the Euro currency and wants to maintain the Danish krone. The DF believes that the Brexit will be a success and the scenario will convince the Danish people to organize referendum and vote for the exit of Denmark from the EU.
European alliances
Since 2019 DF has been a member of the Identity and Democracy, a political right-wing Eurosceptic group in the European Parliament established by the largest Italian, French, and German far right parties namely: Lega, Rally National and Alternative für Deutschland. After the European elections of 1999, the MEP of DF joined Union for Europe of the Nations (UEN), a national–conservative, Eurosceptic, political group active between 1999 and 2009. National Alliance (AN) an Italian national-conservative party was a driving force behind the UEN. Brothers of Italy is the main heir of AN. In 2004 the Law and Justice (PiS) became a member of the UEN. After the elections of 2009 DF joined Europe of Freedom and Democracy (EFD), a new right-wing Eurosceptic political group. Two main parties of the EFD were Lega Nord from Italy and UKIP, the key British political force. In 2014 the DF moved to European Conservatives and Reformists which was dominated by PiS and the British Conservatives. In the Nordic Council DF cooperates with Sweden Democrats and the Finns. They established a political group called Nordic Freedom.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
National conservatism
The DF's stated goals in their party platform are to protect the cultural heritage of the Danish people, including the family, the Monarchy, and the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Denmark. The party says in their manifesto that “we are bound by our Danish cultural heritage and our responsibility towards each other as people. For this reason, we wish to strengthen our country's internal and external security”.
Welfare state
The Danish People's Party has moved towards the left concerning the distribution policy and thus away from neoliberal positions of the right-wing. The DF supported in agreements with governments laws foreseeing maintaining of the welfare state. It is especially in relation to the elderly and disabled that the Danish People's Party has distinguished itself in the area of social transfers. At the same, the DF perceives immigrants and refugees as burdens to the welfare system
Anti-immigration
The DF aims to work against Denmark becoming a multi-cultural society through limiting immigration and promoting cultural assimilation of admitted immigrants. They demand that “criminal aliens” must be deported and if refugees take a holiday in their home country, the residence permit must be revoked immediately. The DF requests that border controls must be made permanent and asylum seekers must be rejected at the border.
PERSPECTIVES
The general election of 2019 was a huge disappointment for Dansk Folkeparti which until then was one of Europe’s most successful far-right parties. The decline has been said to be a combination of different factors, among these are mainstream co-optation, radical competitors, and decisions taken by the Social Democrats and the liberal parties which embraced a populist approach to immigration policy. The party’s poor performance on climate policy, with the former chair, Pia Kjærsgaard, labeling climate activists as ‘climate crazies’, constituted another weak point. At the same time, the New Right party surpassed the Danish People’s Party on having a hard stance on immigration, combining this with a more libertarian economic platform and gained 2.5% in 2019. Meanwhile, the most radical Hard-Line party won almost two percent of the vote in 2019 on a policy program that encompassed the compulsory deportation of nearly all non-Western residents. The support for DF continued to decrease after the election in 2019. In 2021 its popularity has dropped to 6% and the DF was surpassed in the opinion polls by the New Right. In 2022, it stabilized at 5% which is more or less equal to the support of its rival NR. As such, next election will be crucial on this side of Danish politics for both parties.
KEY POSITIONS
Official website
Official Facebook page
Official Twitter account

Alternative für Deutschland/Alternative for Germany

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The Alternative for Germany was founded as a soft Eurosceptic formation in 2013. The foundation of the party was a response to Germany’s allegedly “federalist” policies during the Eurozone crisis and it was endorsed by several economists, journalists, experts, scholars, and businesspeople who claimed that the economic mismanagement in Southern European states will harm the European bloc and that the eurozone failed as a currency area. Developing its economic nationalism, AfD rapidly built its position on the German political scene, however, it did not enter the country’s federal legislation in 2013, securing slightly less than the required 5% of votes. Resulting from the 2014-2015 migration and refugee crisis, AfD underwent an increasingly nationalist transformation and became known for Germany’s anti-migration and Islamophobic party. Simultaneously as the party positioned itself as a xenophobic formation, AfD became increasingly open to working with other right-wing formations such as the extremist anti-Islam Pegida movement and even Neo-Nazi groups. While economic nationalism is still present in the party’s agenda, policies promoting German ethnic nationalism gained predominance in the AfD’s program. During the 2017 federal elections, AfD received almost 13% of votes and became the first radical right-wing party that entered parliament since the fall of the Berlin Wall. The party enjoys proportionally higher support among people of Eastern background (Ossis from former DDR, immigrants from the former Soviet Union, etc.). In March 2021, The Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV), had placed the entire AfD under surveillance. However, a court blocked it to assure equal opportunities among political parties in a key election year.
FOUNDER
Jörg Meuthen
He is one of AfD’s co-founders and one of the current co-chairs of the party. He was born in Essen (Western Germany). Meuthen became an MEP in 2017 and he served as Vice-president of Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD), a Eurosceptic and populist political group in the European Parliament. He was the party’s Spitzenkandidat for the 2019 European parliamentary elections, and he is now an MEP and a member of the EP’s Economic and Social Committee. Meuthen is one of two Vice-presidents of Identity and Democracy, a far-right political group. He is known for defying a de facto pro-Nazi platform within his own party, arguing that extremists should leave AfD.
LEADER
Tino Chrupalla
He is AfD’s other national co-chair and was nominated by his predecessor and the party’s long-time leader, Alexander Gauland. He originates from Eastern Germany. He is serving as a federal lawmaker since the party first entered the Bundestag in 2017. In May 2021, at the side of Alice Weidel, he was elected to one of two Spitzenkandidaten for the federal election.
TOP MED
Alice Weidel
In the late 2000s, she worked at the Bank of China, living six years in China. She speaks Mandarin. Weidel lives in a civil union with a female film producer from Sri Lanka. She is the leader of AfD’s parliamentary group in the Bundestag since the party entered national legislation in 2017. She was also one of the party’s two Spitzkandidaten during the previous general election in 2015 and undertook that role again in 2021.
Björn Höcke
Höcke is the leader of the AfD’s informal extreme Der Flügel (The Wing) faction, which has links to neo-Nazism. In March 2020, the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution classified Der Flügel as „a right-wing extremist endeavour against the free democratic basic order” and as „not compatible with the Basic Law” and therefore placed it under intelligence surveillance. Following the request by the AfD executive board Der Flügel structures were dissolved officially by the end of April 2020. However according to German media, after the initial dissolution Der Flügel started to rebuild unofficially its structures in 2021. Höcke is the head of the parliamentary group of the AfD in the parliament of Thuringia in Eastern Germany, where AfD controls 25% of seats. He is also co-leader of the party in the region.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2013 - 2017
European elections 2014 - 2019
Attitude to the EU
Initially AfD held a position of soft Euroscepticism by opposing the euro currency and Eurozone bailouts but was otherwise supportive of German membership in the EU. Gradually, the party has shifted to a harder Eurosceptic and nationalist position against the EU, including a demand of considerable repatriation of powers from Brussels. Finally, in April 2021 during the party conference in Dresden, AfD included Germany’s withdrawal from the EU in its manifesto ahead of the 2021 the federal election.
European alliances
Following the 2014 European Parliament elections, the AfD was accepted into the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group. In February 2016, the AfD announced a closer cooperation with the right-wing populist party Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), which was a member of the Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF) group. In consequence, the AfD was expelled from the ECR group. After the election of 2019, the AfD joined the Identity and Democracy group.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
National identity, values, and politics of memory
The party strongly supports the German ethnic-national identity which they believe excludes a priori certain foreign values and people (for instance, Muslims). The party leaders regularly speak of the "Vaterland" ("fatherland") and "Volk" ('nation', 'people', but with a strong ethnic/racial connotation). The AfD is highly critical of multiculturalism and civic national identity. Over time, the party’s focus on the restoration of national pride turned into a repudiation of Germany's culture of shame regarding its Nazi past. Today, the change of state politics of memory (Geschichtspolitik) constitutes a central postulate of AfD's ideology. The party promotes traditional family values as key foundations of German culture. It is against same-sex marriage but accepts civil unions. The party also opposes the adoption of children by same-sex couples. One of the prominent AfD MPs included feminism, along with "sexualism" and "migrationism", in an ideology he calls "green communism", namely promoted by the Green party.
Economic nationalism
AfD was founded as a de facto economically neoliberal formation that opposed German-led EU-level financial support for Southern European EU member states that were hit during the 2008 economic crisis and its aftermath. The party proposed to expel certain member states from the Eurozone. Today the party opposes the euro as Germany’s currency and would opt for reintroducing a national currency.
Energy and climate change
The party has a platform of climate change denial. In effect, the AfD opposes energy transformation policies (Energiewende). The party wants to scrap various acts, laws, and regulations concerning renewable energy. AfD also calls for the end of bioenergy subsidies and proposes to restrict "uncontrolled expansion of wind energy". Finally, the party postulates to reinstate Germany's nuclear plants.
PERSPECTIVES
As AfD entered and consolidated its position on the national level of German politics, all major national parties defied working together with their politicians, giving an early sign that the party’s capabilities to grow are limited. The party is divided into two rival factions: the stronger one (around 60%) composed of proponents to relatively moderate right-wing and national-conservative policies, and the weaker one (around 40%), Der Flügel which is hard-line and decisively xenophobic. Engaging with the AfD has become a very controversial political question at the national level which was the most visibly evidenced by the crisis within CDU after the state elections in Thuringia in 2019. After the election, the local branch of Germany’s ruling Christian Democratic Union (CDU) joined forces with the local branch of the AfD and endorsed CDU’s state premiere for the legislative term. CDU’s federal leadership defied the move and eventually pushed the then-confirmed state leader to resign, while CDU leader Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer also had to resign. Concerning the AfD’s future, there is limited room for potential growth in popular support due to the coronavirus pandemic that resulted in a consolidated level of public support for the ruling CDU and the rise of support for the Greens and FDP as an opposition to the government. These factors appear to be enduring and likely to limit AfD’s chances during the upcoming parliamentary elections in September 2021. In fact, the support of AfD in the opinion polls decreased and today it oscillates around 10%.
KEY POSITIONS
Official website
Official Facebook page
Official Twitter account

Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs / Freedom Party of Austria

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The Freedom Party of Austria is the country’s largest right-wing nationalist party that was founded in 1956. Originally, the party was established as a national liberal and pan-Germanist formation. The link of the party to former Nazis was undeniable. The first two party leaders were former SS officers. According to Anton Pelinka, an Austrian prominent historian, the party was formed by former Nazis for former Nazis. In 1986, the party underwent an ideological turn towards the far-right and Austrian-oriented nationalism after Jörg Haider became its chairman. The turn resulted in a gradual growth of its support, with FPÖ having become Austria’s second-largest political party ahead of Austria’s traditional center-right Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP), in the mid-1990s. Maintaining its position after ÖVP, the party received the second-largest share of votes in 1999 that was followed by an ÖVP-FPÖ coalition. However, the governing years (1999-2006) saw an enormous level of loss in popular support under Haider’s leadership that even resulted in a party split over internal disputes and Haider, as well as other leadership figures leaving the party. The party gradually regained its popularity under its new leader, Heinz-Christian Strache, and again became a governing formation with the ÖVP after the 2017 parliamentary elections. The coalition agreement, however, was terminated after the so-called Ibiza affair (a corruption scandal involving Strache) in 2019 that eventually led to a new election and a new government – this time without FPÖ.
LEADER
Herbert Kickl
He is the new leader of the party who was elected to the post in June 2021. Kickl is also the parliamentary group leader of the FPÖ and previously served as an interior minister in the ÖVP-FPÖ government between 2017 and 2019. During the COVID pandemic, Kickl clashed with Hofer, then the party’s leader, regarding the opposition’s response to the government’s policy. With his critical but relatively moderate posture, Hofer wanted to make the party attractive to swing voters. Meanwhile, Kickl stood in direct contrast to Hofer with his vocal participation at one of the demonstrations of opponents of the government’s corona measures and with his refusal to wear an FFP2 mask in parliament.
TOP MED
Mario Kunasek
Kunasek is a non-commissioned officer. He was the Minister of Defence from December 2017 to May 2019. He is the head of FPÖ parliamentary group in Styria’s parliament.
Heinz-Christian Strache
He was a long-time president of the FPÖ who served between 2005 and 2019. He is widely credited for rebuilding the party after its split with Jörg Haider and boosting the party’s popularity at the national level. Following a major corruption scandal in 2017, Strache resigned from his position of vice-chancellor of Austria and that of FPÖ’s chairman. He launched a new party, DAÖ in late 2019.
Norbert Hofer
He is the Third President of the National Council. He was the party’s candidate in the 2016 presidential election. Hofer was defeated in the final run-off, but he won more than 45% of votes. He was also a member of the ÖVP-FPÖ government as transport minister between 2017 and 2019. In 2019 Hofer assumed the position of chairman of the Freedom Party after the so-called Ibiza affair corruption scandal forced his predecessor, Heinz-Christian Strache to resign. He stepped down on 1 June 2021.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2013 - 2019
European elections 2009 - 2019
Attitude to the EU
The FPÖ was initially a hard Eurosceptic and opposed the country’s joining to the European Union and then its membership. Today, the party remains critical of European project (further integration), however, it stopped opposing Austria’s EU membership. Currently, FPÖ’s EU policy is largely focused on a plan to divide the EU in accordance with the idea of a two-speed Europe.
European alliances
For many years, the FPÖ because of its Nazi past experienced some problems to develop cooperation with certain far right parties. However, FPÖ manged to establish a close cooperation mainly with the Northern League (Italy), Vlaams Belang (Belgium) and then with the Alternative for Germany (AfD). Only, in 2014 the FPÖ became a founding member of the Identity and Democracy Party and joined Europe of Nations and Freedom a far-right political group in the European Parliament launched in 2015. Today its MEPs sit with the Identity and Democracy (ID) group which was established in 2019 and it is headed by League (Italy) and National Rally (France) and to a lesser degree by AfD (Germany).
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Anti-immigration, Islamophobia, and social protection
The FPÖ took a strong anti-immigration turn, however, this was not due to the 2014-2015 refugee and migration crisis, but it started much earlier. Haider pushed for Austria First! a policy that lifted immigration to the national public discourse. In accordance with its anti-immigrant stance, the party is considered as an anti-Islam and anti-refugee formation. The party positions itself as a social party, that is, a guarantor of the country’s social welfare system for “genuine” Austrians that proved successful in attracting voters who previously supported social democratic or left-wing parties.
Heimat and the politics of memory
The party positions itself as a Heimat party, which is a guarantor of Austria’s national identity and pride. Today, for the most part, denial of Austria’s participation in the Nazi war crimes is not what the FPÖ is accused of. However, the party consistently highlights Austria’s historical “victimhood”, while almost completely ignores the Austrian collaboration with Nazi-Germany.
Pro-Russian stance
FPÖ calls consistently to lift "damaging and pointless" international sanctions against Russia, approved by the EU. In the footage taken during the so-called Ibiza affair, Strache told the putative investor that he had visited Russia on many occasions and that he had had meetings with advisers of Russia's President Vladimir Putin with a view to forging a "strategic collaboration". During the meeting, Strache reacted positively to the electoral financial support offered by a woman posing as the niece of a Russian oligarch.
PERSPECTIVES
Prior to the coronavirus pandemic, support for the FPÖ was endangered by two key factors: the aftermath of the Ibiza affair and Heinz-Christian Strache who quitted the party and found his own one. The coronavirus posed an additional grave challenge since the case of Austria shows a continued rally-around-the-flag effect which maintained support for the main ruling party, ÖVP. Consequently, FPÖ’s room for both future alliances and potential growth in popular support is limited. Indeed, its support in opinion polls got stuck in 2021 at the level of 16-18%.

Zieloni

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
FOUNDER
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
LEADER
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
TOP MED
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
NATIONAL ELECTION
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
LOREM IPSUM
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
LOREM
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
LOREM IPSUM
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
PERSPECTIVES
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
KEY POSITIONS
SITE
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.SITE2
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.SITE3
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
KORWIN

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
FOUNDER
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
LEADER
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
TOP MED
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
NATIONAL ELECTION
KEY STRONGHOLDS
LOREM IPSUM
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
PERSPECTIVES
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
KEY POSITIONS
SITE
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.SITE2
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.LOREM
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
Razem

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
FOUNDER
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
LEADER
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
TOP MED
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
NATIONAL ELECTION
KEY STRONGHOLDS
LOREM IPSUM
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
PERSPECTIVES
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
KEY POSITIONS
LOREM
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.IPSUM
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.LOREM
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
Solidarna Polska

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
FOUNDER
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
LEADER
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
TOP MED
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
NATIONAL ELECTION
KEY STRONGHOLDS
2010
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
PERSPECTIVES
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
KEY POSITIONS
SITE
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.SITE
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.SITE
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
Sojusz Lewicy Demoktaycznej

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
FOUNDER
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
LEADER
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
TOP MED
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
NATIONAL ELECTION
KEY STRONGHOLDS
TITLE
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
TITLE
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
TITLE
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
PERSPECTIVES
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
KEY POSITIONS
SITE
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.SITE
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.SITE
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
FOUNDER
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
LEADER
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
TOP MED
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
NATIONAL ELECTION
KEY STRONGHOLDS
TITLE
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
TITLE
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
TITLE
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
PERSPECTIVES
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
KEY POSITIONS
TITLE
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.BTN
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.xD
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
Platforma Obywatelska

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat.
Aenean nisi sem, tempor sed consectetur in, pellentesque a massa. Donec faucibus, dui at mollis tincidunt, arcu nibh eleifend ante, nec placerat felis mi sed magna. Pellentesque pharetra facilisis blandit. Etiam gravida dapibus magna, sit amet aliquet arcu ultricies non. Curabitur aliquam enim ex, at elementum dolor gravida et. In tristique nulla tortor, nec porta elit cursus ut. Fusce at tincidunt erat. Phasellus non lacus eros. Pellentesque vel metus leo. Nullam dictum quam velit. In pharetra congue nibh tincidunt fringilla. Sed vel purus viverra, posuere urna vel, molestie ante. Sed facilisis auctor risus in posuere. Nullam condimentum enim neque, nec accumsan eros feugiat nec. In congue tellus ac ligula molestie fringilla. Nunc vitae libero vel nisl suscipit sodales vitae at orci. Pha
FOUNDER
Aenean nisi sem, tempor sed consectetur in, pellentesque a massa. Donec faucibus, dui at mollis tincidunt, arcu nibh eleifend ante, nec placerat felis mi sed magna. Pellentesque pharetra facilisis blandit. Etiam gravida dapibus magna, sit amet aliquet arcu ultricies non. Curabitur aliquam enim ex, at elementum dolor gravida et. In tristique nulla tortor, nec porta elit cursus ut. Fusce at tincidunt erat. Phasellus non lacus eros. Pellentesque vel metus leo. Nullam dictum quam velit. In pharetra congue nibh tincidunt fringilla. Sed vel purus viverra, posuere urna vel, molestie ante. Sed facilisis auctor risus in posuere. Nullam condimentum enim neque, nec accumsan eros feugiat nec. In congue tellus ac ligula molestie fringilla. Nunc vitae libero vel nisl suscipit sodales vitae at orci. Pha
LEADER
Aenean nisi sem, tempor sed consectetur in, pellentesque a massa. Donec faucibus, dui at mollis tincidunt, arcu nibh eleifend ante, nec placerat felis mi sed magna. Pellentesque pharetra facilisis blandit. Etiam gravida dapibus magna, sit amet aliquet arcu ultricies non. Curabitur aliquam enim ex, at elementum dolor gravida et. In tristique nulla tortor, nec porta elit cursus ut. Fusce at tincidunt erat. Phasellus non lacus eros. Pellentesque vel metus leo. Nullam dictum quam velit. In pharetra congue nibh tincidunt fringilla. Sed vel purus viverra, posuere urna vel, molestie ante. Sed facilisis auctor risus in posuere. Nullam condimentum enim neque, nec accumsan eros feugiat nec. In congue tellus ac ligula molestie fringilla. Nunc vitae libero vel nisl suscipit sodales vitae at orci. Pha
TOP MED
Aenean nisi sem, tempor sed consectetur in, pellentesque a massa. Donec faucibus, dui at mollis tincidunt, arcu nibh eleifend ante, nec placerat felis mi sed magna. Pellentesque pharetra facilisis blandit. Etiam gravida dapibus magna, sit amet aliquet arcu ultricies non. Curabitur aliquam enim ex, at elementum dolor gravida et. In tristique nulla tortor, nec porta elit cursus ut. Fusce at tincidunt erat. Phasellus non lacus eros. Pellentesque vel metus leo. Nullam dictum quam velit. In pharetra congue nibh tincidunt fringilla. Sed vel purus viverra, posuere urna vel, molestie ante. Sed facilisis auctor risus in posuere. Nullam condimentum enim neque, nec accumsan eros feugiat nec. In congue tellus ac ligula molestie fringilla. Nunc vitae libero vel nisl suscipit sodales vitae at orci. Pha
NATIONAL ELECTION
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit.
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
LOREM IPSUM
Aenean nisi sem, tempor sed consectetur in, pellentesque a massa. Donec faucibus, dui at mollis tincidunt, arcu nibh eleifend ante, nec placerat felis mi sed magna. Pellentesque pharetra facilisis blandit. Etiam gravida dapibus magna, sit amet aliquet arcu ultricies non. Curabitur aliquam enim ex, at elementum dolor gravida et. In tristique nulla tortor, nec porta elit cursus ut. Fusce at tincidunt erat. Phasellus non lacus eros. Pellentesque vel metus leo. Nullam dictum quam velit. In pharetra congue nibh tincidunt fringilla. Sed vel purus viverra, posuere urna vel, molestie ante. Sed facilisis auctor risus in posuere. Nullam condimentum enim neque, nec accumsan eros feugiat nec. In congue tellus ac ligula molestie fringilla. Nunc vitae libero vel nisl suscipit sodales vitae at orci. Pha
LOREM IPSUM
Aenean nisi sem, tempor sed consectetur in, pellentesque a massa. Donec faucibus, dui at mollis tincidunt, arcu nibh eleifend ante, nec placerat felis mi sed magna. Pellentesque pharetra facilisis blandit. Etiam gravida dapibus magna, sit amet aliquet arcu ultricies non. Curabitur aliquam enim ex, at elementum dolor gravida et. In tristique nulla tortor, nec porta elit cursus ut. Fusce at tincidunt erat. Phasellus non lacus eros. Pellentesque vel metus leo. Nullam dictum quam velit. In pharetra congue nibh tincidunt fringilla. Sed vel purus viverra, posuere urna vel, molestie ante. Sed facilisis auctor risus in posuere. Nullam condimentum enim neque, nec accumsan eros feugiat nec. In congue tellus ac ligula molestie fringilla. Nunc vitae libero vel nisl suscipit sodales vitae at orci. Pha
LOREM IPSUM
Aenean nisi sem, tempor sed consectetur in, pellentesque a massa. Donec faucibus, dui at mollis tincidunt, arcu nibh eleifend ante, nec placerat felis mi sed magna. Pellentesque pharetra facilisis blandit. Etiam gravida dapibus magna, sit amet aliquet arcu ultricies non. Curabitur aliquam enim ex, at elementum dolor gravida et. In tristique nulla tortor, nec porta elit cursus ut. Fusce at tincidunt erat. Phasellus non lacus eros. Pellentesque vel metus leo. Nullam dictum quam velit. In pharetra congue nibh tincidunt fringilla. Sed vel purus viverra, posuere urna vel, molestie ante. Sed facilisis auctor risus in posuere. Nullam condimentum enim neque, nec accumsan eros feugiat nec. In congue tellus ac ligula molestie fringilla. Nunc vitae libero vel nisl suscipit sodales vitae at orci. Pha
PERSPECTIVES
Aenean nisi sem, tempor sed consectetur in, pellentesque a massa. Donec faucibus, dui at mollis tincidunt, arcu nibh eleifend ante, nec placerat felis mi sed magna. Pellentesque pharetra facilisis blandit. Etiam gravida dapibus magna, sit amet aliquet arcu ultricies non. Curabitur aliquam enim ex, at elementum dolor gravida et. In tristique nulla tortor, nec porta elit cursus ut. Fusce at tincidunt erat. Phasellus non lacus eros. Pellentesque vel metus leo. Nullam dictum quam velit. In pharetra congue nibh tincidunt fringilla. Sed vel purus viverra, posuere urna vel, molestie ante. Sed facilisis auctor risus in posuere. Nullam condimentum enim neque, nec accumsan eros feugiat nec. In congue tellus ac ligula molestie fringilla. Nunc vitae libero vel nisl suscipit sodales vitae at orci. Pha
KEY POSITIONS
SITE1
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat. Aenean nisi sem, tempor sed consectetur in, pellentesque a massa. Donec faucibus, dui at mollis tincidunt, arcu nibh eleifend ante, nec placerat felis mi sed magna. Pellentesque pharetra facilisis blandit. Etiam gravida dapibus magna, sit amet aliquet arcu ultricies non. Curabitur aliquam enim ex, at elementum dolor gravida et. In tristique nulla tortor, nec porta elit cursus ut. Fusce at tincidunt erat. Phasellus non lacus eros. Pellentesque vel metus leo. Nullam dictum quam velit. In pharetra congue nibh tincidunt fringilla. Sed vel purus viverra, posuere urna vel, molestie ante. Sed facilisis auctor risus in posuere. Nullam condimentum enim neque, nec accumsan eros feugiat nec. In congue tellus ac ligula molestie fringilla. Nunc vitae libero vel nisl suscipit sodales vitae at orci. PhaSITE2
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat. Aenean nisi sem, tempor sed consectetur in, pellentesque a massa. Donec faucibus, dui at mollis tincidunt, arcu nibh eleifend ante, nec placerat felis mi sed magna. Pellentesque pharetra facilisis blandit. Etiam gravida dapibus magna, sit amet aliquet arcu ultricies non. Curabitur aliquam enim ex, at elementum dolor gravida et. In tristique nulla tortor, nec porta elit cursus ut. Fusce at tincidunt erat. Phasellus non lacus eros. Pellentesque vel metus leo. Nullam dictum quam velit. In pharetra congue nibh tincidunt fringilla. Sed vel purus viverra, posuere urna vel, molestie ante. Sed facilisis auctor risus in posuere. Nullam condimentum enim neque, nec accumsan eros feugiat nec. In congue tellus ac ligula molestie fringilla. Nunc vitae libero vel nisl suscipit sodales vitae at orci. PhaSITE3
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Pellentesque cursus, leo ac facilisis efficitur, lacus nisl varius quam, nec ullamcorper ligula mauris in ipsum. Nullam mattis commodo elit tincidunt mollis. Phasellus a ante et tortor finibus pharetra. Ut lacinia fermentum sodales. Etiam posuere metus urna, id posuere erat maximus vitae. Donec ligula nisl, tristique in nunc non, vehicula tempus nibh. Integer eu enim cursus, sodales diam convallis, accumsan nulla. Nunc vel consectetur erat. Aenean nisi sem, tempor sed consectetur in, pellentesque a massa. Donec faucibus, dui at mollis tincidunt, arcu nibh eleifend ante, nec placerat felis mi sed magna. Pellentesque pharetra facilisis blandit. Etiam gravida dapibus magna, sit amet aliquet arcu ultricies non. Curabitur aliquam enim ex, at elementum dolor gravida et. In tristique nulla tortor, nec porta elit cursus ut. Fusce at tincidunt erat. Phasellus non lacus eros. Pellentesque vel metus leo. Nullam dictum quam velit. In pharetra congue nibh tincidunt fringilla. Sed vel purus viverra, posuere urna vel, molestie ante. Sed facilisis auctor risus in posuere. Nullam condimentum enim neque, nec accumsan eros feugiat nec. In congue tellus ac ligula molestie fringilla. Nunc vitae libero vel nisl suscipit sodales vitae at orci. Pha
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość / Law and Justice

HISTORY OF THE PARTY
The Law and Justice (PiS) was founded in 2001 by the Kaczyński twins, Lech and Jarosław, as a centre-right and Christian democratic party. The party was created on a wave of popularity gained by Lech Kaczyński while heading the Polish Ministry of Justice (June 2000 to July 2001) in the government lead by the Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS). It was created from a part of the AWS, with the Centre Agreement (PC) forming the new party’s core. PC was party established by the Kaczyński twins in 1990 and briefly was briefly part of coalition governments (1991-1992). PiS won the 2005 parliamentary election, while Lech Kaczyński won the presidency. The Law and Justice formed a coalition with two Eurosceptic parties. Jarosław served as Prime Minister, but because of failed attempts to subdue coalition partners, he called snap elections in 2007, in which the party came second to Civic Platform (PO) and went to opposition. In these elections, PiS lost most of its moderate electorate but attracted voters from its former coalition members and gradually turned into a more nationalistic and populistic political force. Several leading politicians of the party, including sitting president Lech Kaczyński, died in a plane crash in 2010 in Smoleńsk. This tragedy became the main point of reference for the party which believes that it wasn’t an accident but a Russian terrorist attack. The tragedy accelerated the radicalization of PIS. In 2014 PiS established the United Right (ZP) a political alliance (one electoral list and one political group in the parliament) with two small parties. Andrzej Duda, their candidate, won the presidential elections in 2015, while ZP gained the same year an outright majority in the national elections—something no Polish political force had done since 1989. PiS launched “reforms” concerning especially judiciary which were recognized by various EU institutions as the dismantling of rule of law. In the 2019 parliamentary election ZP received the highest vote share by any political force since Poland returned to democracy in 1989, but lost its majority in the Senate. Moreover, in 2020 Andrzej Duda won re-election but in his second term he has undertaken considerably more independent course in regard to his party. Finally, in 2021 the Law and Justice expelled one of small coalition partners from the parliamentary club and its majority in the parliament is very tiny. In fact, the government depends on an external support of several independent MPs.
LEADER
Jarosław Kaczyński
Kaczyński has been occupying the post of the president of the Law and Justice (PiS) party since its foundation in 2001. In 1991, he created the conservative, Christian democratic Centre Agreement (PC) and later became its chairman, maintaining this position until 1998. In the years 1991 to 1993 and since 1997, Kaczyński was a member of the parliament. He served as the prime minister of Poland from July 2006 to November 2007, while his brother, Lech was the president of Poland. Jarosław was the presidential candidate of PiS in the 2010 elections. Since the 2015 victories of PiS, both in the presidential and parliamentary election, Kaczyński has become the most powerful politician in Poland. In 2020, he was designated the Deputy Prime Minister with oversight over the defence, interior and justice ministries.
TOP MED
Mariusz Błaszczak
Błaszczak has been the Minister of Defence since 2018. He is Jarosław Kaczyński’s right-hand man and his most loyal collaborator as one of vice-presidents of PiS. Błaszczak belongs to the most influential group within the inner circle of the party unofficially named „Order of the Centre Agreement”. He has been member of parliament since 2007. He headed the Chancellery of the Prime Minister (2005–2007) and was minister-member in the government of Jarosław Kaczyński (2007). He served as chairman of the Law and Justice Parliamentary Club (2010–2015). He was nominated minister of internal affairs and administration in 2015 and retained this post until 2018. He is known of his notoriety regarding statements recognized as homophobic and Islamophobic. The Russian aggression against Ukraine probably will strengthen even more his position in the ruling elite.
Jacek Sasin
Sasin has been Deputy Prime Minster and Minister of State Assets since 2019. This portfolio allowed him to gain a huge influence in the ruling elite because he is responsible for nominations of presidents and boards of public companies and state banks. Sasin gained a status of grey eminence in the government concerning economy He has been serving as member of parliament since 2011. In 2007 he occupied a post of voivode of Mazovia, the richest and the most populous province in Poland. Between 2009 and 2010 he was deputy head of the Chancellery of the President of the Republic of Poland and between 2018 and 2019 secretary of state in the Chancellery of the Prime Minister.
NATIONAL ELECTION
National elections 2011-2019
European elections 2009-2019
Attitude to the EU
PiS endorses Poland’s membership in the EU but would like to reform it which in fact means a considerable reversal of its internal integration by returning some key competencies (veto power) to member states. The EU is treated by PiS mostly as an economic project. PiS often attacks the EU for its alleged far left ideology, Germany’s domination and efforts to topple down the Polish government under the pretext of rule of law. Moreover, PIS cooperates within the framework of one political group with Solidarity Poland, a considerably more Eurosceptic party. The latter foresees the exit from the EU if it continues to criticize the Polish government for the dismantling of rule of law. The United Right has a negative attitude towards Poland’s accession to the eurozone.
European alliances
PiS, because of the fact that it rules Poland, the 5th largest EU member states (economy and population), is one of the strongest soft Eurosceptic parties. It leads the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) political group. After 2015 PiS established a very close cooperation with Fidesz treating the Hungarian political system as the main source of inspiration. Jarosław Kaczyński declared already in 2011 that „a day will come when we have a Budapest in Warsaw”. In 2021 PiS became the main driving force standing behind the efforts of soft Eurosceptic parties to establish a wider political group. One of meetings took place in Warsaw in December 2021. Besides PiS, Fidesz, Vox, Lega, Fratteli d’Italia and Rassemblement National (Le Pen) are the main actors engaged in these activities. The attitude towards the Russian aggression against represents most important challenge to the integration attempts. Nevertheless, despite serious tensions, PiS did not break up relations with Fidesz or Le Pen.
KEY STRONGHOLDS
Dismantling of rule of law
The “reforms” of judiciary occupy a key place in the ideology of PiS. Kaczyński describes the Polish judicial system as anti-government institution, which artificially constrains the executive power and in consequence, constitutes a main stumbling block hindering general reforms of the country. However, the EU institutions, member states and human rights organizations assessed many times that the “reforms” undertaken by PiS are driven by the rejection of division of powers and supremacy of the EU law, by default, undermining Poland’s membership in the EU. They provoked the most serious legal crisis in the modern history of the EU.
Traditional family vs. LGBT and gender
PiS strongly promotes itself as a pro-family party (defined family in conservative terms). In 2017, the PiS government commenced the so-called "500+" programme of direct social transfers to families with children. It was the biggest social programme in the modern history of Poland. The party supports the tightening up of Poland’s abortion law which is already one the most restrictive in the EU. The party opposes LGBT rights, in particular same-sex partnerships. In 2021, Poland was ranked the lowest of any European Union country for LGBT rights by ILGA-Europe. The organisation also highlighted many instances of anti-LGBT rhetoric and hate speech by politicians of the ruling party. Many local towns, and provincial assemblies controlled by PiS comprising a third of Poland's territory declared their respective regions or towns as LGBT ideology-free zones. Besides LGBT, the party defines gender ideology as another major threat to the Polish families.
Security (Russia and Muslims)
PiS presents itself as the party which is particularly focused on the security of Poland and possesses the biggest competences in this field on the Polish political scene. PiS defines Russia, especially after its aggression against Georgia (2008) and even more against Ukraine (2014) as the main threat to Poland’s security. The most recent Russia’s invasion against Ukraine radically increased the importance of security in the ideology of PiS. According to PiS, besides Russia, Muslims also occupy a high place on the list of threats facing Poland. In 2015 PiS won the national elections inter alia through the exploitation of the refugee and migrant crisis concerning mainly Muslims from the Middle East and Afghanistan as a fundamental challenge to the Polish security. Since then, PiS has used Islamophobia regularly on a massive scale, presenting Muslims as a homogenous group composed of fundamentalists, criminals and terrorists that forced the “weak” EU to surrender to them. PiS returned to this rhetoric especially in 2021 during the migrant and refugee crisis on the Polish-Belarussian border. Meanwhile, Poland is presented in the politics of memory of PiS as a bulwark of Western Christianity defending Europe for centuries against the external enemies especially Muslims and Russia.
PERSPECTIVES
In 2021, PiS, because of Covid-19, economic problems and internal struggles between various factions and with small parties, its partners from the United Right lost a substantial part of its support, though it remained the position of the most popular party in Poland. Nevertheless, the Russian aggression against Ukraine contributed to a slight improvement of ratings of PiS in the opinion polls. In Spring 2022 it enjoys the support of 35-40% of decided voters, however, there is a huge number of voters who are undecided. Most probably PiS will win the next elections (2023) but its ability to maintain power will mostly depend on the performance of opposition. The latter tries to coordinate its activities but remains still highly divided. Probably PiS will be able to form the government but in a coalition with small parties including far right.

Austria

SOCIETY
Austria’s population approaches 9 million and has increased by almost one million since the beginning of the 21st century. The percentage of foreign-born people is around 20% of the total population. The immigrants originate mainly from Germany, Romania, Turkey, and the Western Balkans. Religion, though losing importance, still has a certain influence on social life in Austria. Around 70% of the population is Christian (mainly Roman Catholic) and 8% belong to the Muslim community. The attitude of Austrian society towards the EU is rather ambivalent. On the one hand, the majority of Austrians do not trust the EU and around 40% believe that the country could better face the future outside of the EU. This group was even bigger before the pandemic. On the other hand, 70% of Austrians support the Eurozone.
ECONOMY
Austria is one of the richest EU member states (5th position regarding the GDP PPP per capita) with quite solid growth performance between 2010 and 2019 and a level of innovativeness only slightly lower than Germany’s. The Austrian economy was hit by the pandemic losing almost 7% of its GDP but projections for the coming years are relatively optimistic. The public debt exceeds 85% of GDP and unemployment which does not surpass 7% remains slightly below the Eurozone’s average.
POLITICS
The Austrian political scene has been dominated by the center-right People’s Party of Austria (ÖVP) and the Socialist Party of Austria (SPÖ). However, in the 1990s the far-right Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) gained popularity, and in the 21st century Greens and liberals were entrenched in the political scene, however, with a smaller level of support. Nevertheless, ÖVP and SPÖ in the recent elections have been gaining around 50-60% of voters. After the 2019 elections for the first time in the history of Austria Greens joined the government lead by ÖVP. The coronavirus pandemic consolidated support for ÖVP at around 35%, with the SPÖ ranking second (more than 20%). In 2021, ÖVP experienced a deep crisis as its leader – and Chancellor – Sebastian Kurz had to quit his post following misuse of government money. The ÖVP-Green remained but is suffering a decrease of popularity which also linked to important critics over their management of Covid sanitary crisis – an important anti-vax movement has developed over the country. Early 2022, SPÖ is now the most popular party at 27% while ÖVP is at 23%. Other parties reamin stable, including the far-right just below 20%.

Belgium

SOCIETY
Belgium’s population exceeds 11,5 million and has increased by more than one million since the beginning of the 21st century. People of foreign background and their descendants are estimated to constitute one-third of the total population of the country. The country is populated by a Flemish majority (almost 60% of the citizens) speaking Dutch and a French-speaking minority (Walloons and French-speakers in Brussels) which comprises close to 40% of inhabitants. The largest group of immigrants (people born with non-Belgian citizenship) in Belgium are Moroccans (almost 15%), Italians (more than 10%), and French (close to 10%). Christians (mostly Roman Catholics) constitute around 60% of the Belgian population. Muslims make the second religious community (7%). The religious practice is very limited. The great majority of Belgians (around 85%) do not subscribe to the opinion that Belgium could better face the future outside of the EU. In fact, their number increased substantially during the pandemic. In the same period, the level of trust in the EU among the Belgians also improved considerably. In the most recent Eurobarometer (Spiring 2021), more than 55% of Belgians trusted the EU and less than 45% did not. Belgians distinguish themselves by a very high level of support for the Eurozone (90%).
ECONOMY
Belgium is one of the richest member states of the EU which the European Commission recognizes together with Scandinavian countries as an innovation leaders. The global economic crisis (2008-2009) did not hit severely Belgium. The pace of GDP growth between 2010 and 2019 was higher than the average in the Western European countries of the Eurozone. The general government gross debt (around 100% of GDP) in the same period did not increase significantly. However, the pandemic contributed to a substantial rise of the public debt to around 115% of GDP and according to projections, it will continue to grow in the coming years. On the other hand, unemployment has remained on a relatively low level in recent years (around 6%).
POLITICS
Belgium is a federal constitutional monarchy. Its institutional organization is based on both regional and linguistic grounds. It is divided into three very highly autonomous regions: the Brussels-Capital Region, the Walloon Region (Wallonia) in the south, and the Flemish Region (Flanders) in the north. The political scene is dived between Flemish and Walloon parties with the only one party enjoying some popularity in both communities. The country has been ruled in the 21st century mostly by liberal and left parties. The national cleavage often makes the establishment of the federal government particularly difficult. In 2010-2011 Belgium experienced almost 600 days without an elected government and between 2018 and 2020 the country was administered for more than 650 days by the caretaker and minority governments. Flemish parties pursuing with a different level of determination Flanders’ independence can count on stable support of around 45% of Flemings. Next federal elections will take place in 2024.

Bulgaria

SOCIETY
Bulgaria is a relatively small country in the EU with less than 7 million inhabitants. Like many other CEE countries, Bulgaria is severely impacted by emigration and is losing rapidly its population. It has lost almost 2 million people since the end of communism and this trend has accelerated since the 2000s. Bulgarians constitute around 85% of the total population Turks (almost 10%) and Roma (almost 5% according to estimations) are the largest national minorities. Immigration is very limited. When it comes to religion, the great majority of the population identifies themselves as Christian Orthodox. This branch of Christianity constitutes an important element of Bulgarian ethnic identity, but the level of religious practice is low. The Muslim community in Bulgaria possesses the biggest share in the population of any EU member state (close to 15%). Bulgaria joined the EU only in 2007 and does not use the EU currency as of today and did not join the Schengen zone. When it comes to the Eurozone, Bulgarians are split over the issue as only 40% are in favor of the single European currency and almost the same group is against it. On the other hand, almost 55% tend to trust the EU and 30% do not and the same number of them believe that Bulgaria could face a better future outside of the EU.
ECONOMY
Bulgaria’s economy did not suffer too much from the financial and economic crisis as in 2009, it economy experienced only a 3% recession. However, the country already suffered severely from an economic crisis in the 1990s. After that, Bulgaria developed for some years with a solid pace of growth, linked with the perspectives of EU integration. In the 2010s, the Bulgarian economy first experienced some stagnation before its growth stabilized around 3% for several years – which was still below the average of CEE economies. With a 4% of GDP decline, Bulgaria evidently suffered from the Covid-19 crisis but far less than most of the other member states. Forecasts from the European Commission let hope for a return to normality in the next two years with a predicted 3,5% in 2021 and 5% in 2022. When it comes to public debt, the country managed to reduce its debt to 20% before the Covid-19 crisis thanks to very intense efforts as its public debt was reaching 100% at the end of the 1990s. Regarding unemployment, the situation of Bulgaria is also convenient as the unemployment rate is stabilized at 5%.
POLITICS
According to the Freedom House, Bulgaria is a free country but its political system together with the Polish one distinguishes itself with the most serious flaws. The situation is only worse in Hungary. Until 2021 Bulgaria’s political scene has been dominated for many years by the center-right GERB and the center-left Socialists (BSP). In 2021 Bulgaria finds itself currently in a very intense political period as three different general elections were called in addition to Presidential election. This political chaos came after an almost 10 years long rule of Boyko Borissov, the leader of GERB. The mass protests taking place in the past few years have illustrated that Bulgarian citizens seem by the management of the country symbolized by a very high level of corruption – by traditional parties. As such, the most recent elections held in November 2021, lead to the emergence of new parties, particularly the anti-corruption platform created by figures of care-taker government Kiril Petkov and Assen Vassilev „We continue the change”. They proved able to form a quadripartite coalition together with liberals from Yes Bulgaria, centre-left BSP and finally populist platform led by Slavi Trifanov „There is Such People”. It remains to be seen if this coalition will be able to keep unity over the long-term while GERB – which remains very popular but isolated – may or may not rebuild itself on new basis as long-term leader Boyko Borissov is experiencing turbulences. In addition, it seems that nationalist political forces are being rebuilt arounf the party „Revival” of Kostadinov. The cohesion of the quadripartite coalition remains however very uncertain and the war in Ukrain doesn’t help.

Croatia

SOCIETY
Croatia’s population slightly exceeds 4 million. Croatia lost due to emigration and low fertility rates almost 10% percent of the population since the end of the last century. Serbs comprising almost 5% of the population, constitute the largest national minority. Around 15% of the population is foreign-born. Ethnic Croats from Bosnia and Herzegovina constitute the majority of them. Croatia attracted also a substantial number of immigrants from former Yugoslavia (Bosniaks, Albanians, others). Moreover, 15% of ethnic Croats in the Balkans live outside of Croatia, mostly in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Ethnic Croats belong mainly to the Roman Catholic Church. Despite a decreasing church attendance. Religion still plays an important role with only a small minority (5-10%) declaring themselves as atheists and irreligious. Croats are moderately pro-European with a huge mildly Eurosceptic minority. Around 45% of Croats tend not to trust the EU and do not support the Eurozone and a slightly smaller number believe that Croatia could better face the future outside of the EU.
ECONOMY
Croatia’s GDP PPP per capita is the lowest in the EU after Bulgaria. Its economy is based indirectly and directly to a large degree on tourism and characterizes itself by a moderate level of innovativeness. This situation should be explained by a deep economic crisis (2009-2014) that hit severely Croatia and the pandemic which provoked a huge contraction (almost 10% of GDP). The public debt has more than doubled since 2008 and now it exceeds 85% of GDP. Unemployment is relatively high (around 8%).
POLITICS
Croatia has been governed mainly by the conservative Croatian Democratic Community (HDZ) since the declaration of independence in 1991. Indeed, today the country is ruled by the party in coalition with a party of Serbian national minority. The government is supported in parliament by MPs of national minorities and representatives of small liberal parties. Social democrats (SDP) have played the role of the main rival of HDZ until recently. Today they must compete with the green-left coalition „We can!” established in 2019. The next elections will take place in 2024. Currently, HDZ maintains a solid advantage over the other parties in opinion polls, but most probably it would need to establish a coalition with several parties in order to keep power. Recent political affair in 2022 seems to impact HDZ popularity as the party is now at 30%. Such tendency has to be monitored over a longer time period but might change balance of power in a country. On the other hand, the bahavior of President Zoran Milanovic, which could be compared to Czech Milos Zeman in his most glorious days, make a rise of popularity for the opposition very unlikely in the short and mid-term.

Cyprus

SOCIETY
The part of the island under the effective control of the Republic of Cyprus is inhabited by almost 900 000 people. The population has increased dramatically by almost 200 000- mainly due to immigration- since 2000. More than 20% of the population is composed of non-citizens (Greeks from Greece, Britons, Romanians, Bulgarians, and others). Greeks make almost 100% of citizens of the part of the island controlled by the Republic. 90% of citizens of the Republic of Cyprus living in government-controlled areas belong to the Orthodox Christian community. Religion still plays an important role in the social life of the Cypriot community. The attitude of Greek Cypriots to the EU is rather ambivalent. On the one hand, close to 80% of them support the Eurozone, while almost 55% reject the idea that the country could face better outside of the EU. However, slightly above 40% of them subscribe to that opinion. On the other, the trust in the EU in the Republic of Cyprus is on one of the lowest levels in the Union. Less than 40% of Greek Cypriots tend to trust the EU.
ECONOMY
Cyprus is a high-income advanced economy. The country’s economic life has been dominated in recent times by the 2012–2013 financial crisis, part of the wider European debt crisis. Between 2011 and 2014 the country experienced stagnation and recession. After 2014 the economy of Cyprus recovered spectacularly but also experienced a dramatic increase in public debt which rose almost three times between 2008 and 2020 (from almost 45% to around 120%). The unemployment rate skyrocketed during the financial crisis reaching more than 15% in 2014 (4 times higher than in 2008) but gradually fell to 7% but increased again to 10% due to the pandemic crisis.
POLITICS
The Republic of Cyprus is de facto partitioned into two main parts: the area under the effective control of the Cypriot government, located in the south and comprising about 60% of the island’s area, and the north administered by the separatist Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, covering more than 35% of the island. Finally, nearly 4% of the island’s area constitutes the UN buffer zone. The international community considers the northern part of Cyprus to be the territory of the Republic of Cyprus occupied by Turkish force. The division of the island and the Turkish occupation define the political life of Cyprus. The country is a presidential republic. President is the head of state and leads the government, The political scene has been dominated for decades by conservatives and communists, however, the 2021 elections brought a considerable decrease of support for both parties, while five smaller parties won in total 50% of votes. The tendency is expected to remain while the conservatives are winning against the communists in support.

Czechia

SOCIETY
Czechia’s population has increased mostly due to immigration by around 5% since the beginning of the 21st century. The great majority of the 10.7 million citizens of the Czech Republic are linguistically Czech (around 95%). Moravians an ethnic community living in Moravia, one of the historical regions, compromise around 5% of the population and make the largest ethnic minority in Czechia. Around 5% of inhabitants of Czechia have an immigrant background. Almost half of them are citizens of Ukraine and Slovakia. In the case of Slovak nationals, many belong to the Roma community. The people of Romani origin in total constitute close to 3% of inhabitants of Czechia and suffer from a particularly strong anti-Gypsyism on the side of Czech society, one of the highest in Europe. Czechs have distinguished themselves in the EU by a widespread soft Euroscepticism. However, the attitude towards the EU improved substantially during the pandemic. According to the Eurobarometer, in 2021, the percentage of people believing that Czechia could better face the future outside of the EU, decreased from above 40% to 25%, while the number of persons rejecting this idea rose from almost 50% to three-fourths. However, despite the rise of trust in the EU, still more than half of Czechs tend not to trust the EU. Finally, the great majority of Czechs remain skeptical towards the accession of Czechia to the Eurozone.
ECONOMY
Czechia is the richest country (GDP per head measured in power purchase parity) among EU member states that joined the Union during the most recent enlargements (after 2004). Today Czechia’s GDP PPP per capita approaches Italy and will surpass it in the coming years. In the medium term, Czechia’s GDP PPP per capita will also overcome the EU’s average. Czechia witnessed impressive economic growth in recent years (2014-2019). According to projections, after the pandemic year of 2020, the Czech economy will come back on the path of growth because it is based on solid macroeconomic foundations. The public debt remains on one of the lowest levels in the EU (less than 45% of GDP) while unemployment is the smallest in the EU (3%).
POLITICS
Until 2010 Czech political life was dominated by two parties: social democrats and the Civic Democratic Party (ODS) whose politicians with a short break headed the governments until 2017. In 2013 the elections changed structurally the political scene because of a very good result of the populist ANO party, which is led by Andrej Babiš, one of the richest businessmen in Czechia. The party won the elections of 2017 and established a minority government. ANO gained popularity due to various reasons but also playing with Islamophobic and anti-immigration rhetoric which is very popular in Czech society. On the other hand, Pirates, affiliated with the Greens at the European level achieved a good electoral result in 2017 and became the main opposition party. Today the political scene is divided mainly into three blocks: ANO, Pirates, and its liberal ally and coalition established by ODS. Elections which took place in Autumn 2021 led to the victory of two coalitions: independent Mayors and Pirates on one side and a liberal conservative coalition (ODS, TOP09 and KDU-CSL) on the other side. The final defeat of ANO and Babis may or may not be confirmed during the upcoming Presidential election in early 2023.

Denmark

SOCIETY
Denmark has 5.8 million inhabitants (2020) and unlike many countries in Europe is experiencing since the 2000s a smooth rise (more than 500.000 inhabitants in 20 years). Among those, the greatest majority are Danes (around 85%) while the immigrant-background population represents approx. 15% of the total population. The most important diasporas being Turkish, Polish, and Syrian. In Denmark, religion is still an important societal feature as 75% of the population is registered within the Lutheran Church while less than ¼ of the population considers itself as “non-religious”. Nevertheless, the level of religious practice is very low. Regarding the European Union, its population is not particularly Eurosceptic. According to the most recent Eurobarometer survey (2021), the great majority of Danes (almost 80%) do not believe that Denmark could better face the future outside the EU and trusts the EU (more than 60%). On the other hand, Denmark does not have the euro currency. In 2000, a referendum was made and led to the non-adoption of the euro (53% voted no). As of today, opinions remain largely against the adoption of the euro (only around 30% in favor).
ECONOMY
Denmark is a very innovative and modern economy and one of the richest countries in the EU.
Between 2008 and 2019, the Danish economy has experienced annual growth of GDP of around 2% on average. Denmark’s general government gross debt in 2020 did not exceed 45% of its GDP and the unemployment rate was on the level of 5%.
POLITICS
Like many countries in Europe, Denmark has experienced a rise in populism and Euroscepticism since the 2000s. The representatives of this political current are on both sides of the political exchequer. Between 2001 and 2019 the country was ruled mostly by the center right and only for less than four years by the left. Since 2019, the (minority) government is led by Social Democrats (with the support of various left political forces). The upcoming general elections are expected to be in 2023 and probably will result in the continuation of the rule of center left because the Social Democrats enjoy a huge advantage over rivals in the opinion polls.

Estonia

SOCIETY
Estonia has 1.3 million inhabitants, the country has lost more than 15% of its total population since its independence. Among those, almost 70% are Estonians while almost 25% are Russians. Other ethnic groups including Ukrainians, Belarussians, or Finns are much smaller. Around 15% of Estonia’s population does not have Estonian citizenship. In Estonia, religion is less and less popular as in the last census around 55% declared themselves as non-religious and more than 15% did not respond to the question regarding their religious affiliation. Lutheranism and Orthodox Christianity are the two most important religions. Regarding the trust in the European Union, it is on a high level, approaching today 65%. Moreover, almost 80% of Estonians do not subscribe to the opinion that Estonia could better face the future outside the EU and an enormous majority of the population supports the euro currency (almost 90% in 2021).
ECONOMY
Estonia is one of the richest countries among states that joined the EU after 2004. It distinguishes itself by the most innovative economy among them. Since the 2008’s economic global crisis, the Estonian economy has experienced convenient growth (3-4%), but which remains much more limited than in the 2000s (6-8%). The projections of growth in upcoming years look positive. Estonia’s public debt was very low before the Covid-19 pandemic (less than 10%). It will increase to around 25% in 2021. Unemployment in Estonia raised because of the pandemic from 4% to 7% but according to projections, it is going to decrease in coming years.
POLITICS
After Estonia’s accession to the EU, the coalition governments were headed mostly by politicians of the Estonian Reform Party a liberal party that competed especially with the Estonian Centre Party, a social liberal party. In 2019-2021 the Centre Party ruled the country together with EKRE, a far-right party but at the beginning of 2021, a grand coalition composed of two main liberal parties was created. The rise of the far-right after 2014 was the main development changing the balance of power on the Estonian political scene. The next parliamentary elections will take place in 2023. Probably the further rise of popularity of EKRE will result in the continuation of cooperation between two key mainstream political forces. However, this assessment might be annulled as the Centre party is losing support while a new actor on the center left is gaining attraction (E200). With the war in Ukraine, it has to be noted that the popularity of governing Estonian Reform Party has increased greatly, reaching 30% (+8 points). Only time will say if it was only a circumstantial tendency or a long-term evolution.

Finland

SOCIETY
Finland has 5.5 million inhabitants and unlike many countries in Europe is experiencing since the 2000s a smooth rise (+350.000 inhabitants in 20 years). Among those, the greatest majority are Finns (above 85%). Other ethnic groups including Swedes (5% – official ethnic minority) or Russians are much smaller. In parallel, immigration has been rising in the past 20 years, and as of today immigrant-background population represents more or less 7% of the total population (mostly from Russia, Estonia, and Sweden). In Finland, religion is still an important societal feature as more than 70% of the population is Christian (mainly Lutheran Church), though the level of religious practice is low. Regarding the trust in European Union, the Finns are deeply divided into two almost the same groups. However, the great majority of Finns (around 75%) do not agree with the statement that Finland could better face the future outside the EU. The relation towards the euro currency has not been easy for Finns. In the mid-2010s support was falling and a debate about a potential referendum was ongoing. Nevertheless, today the support seems very convincing around 75% (2021).
ECONOMY
Finland is one of the richest EU member states with a particularly innovative economy. Nevertheless, since the 2008’s global economic crisis, the Finnish economy has experienced difficult times. Economic growth was only convincing in 2016 and 2017 (2-3%). Today general gross government debt approaches 70% of GDP and increased considerably from 30% in 2008. Unemployment in Finland is at a relatively low level (8%).
POLITICS
Between 2003 and 2019 the country was ruled mainly by center and center-right parties which sometimes established wide coalitions with the social democrats. Since the last parliamentary elections in 2019, Finland is governed by a center-left coalition including five political parties. the governing Socialists seem to have gain support recently due to their successful management of the pandemic. Upcoming parliamentary elections will take place in 2023 and Presidential one the year after. The current opinion polls for the next parliamentary election do not differ considerably from the results of the last national election. Nevertheless, As many countries in Europe, Finland has experienced a significant rise of Eurosceptic far-right in the 2010s. However, in the past few months, the party representing this political current (PS) is in crisis and has lost more than 5 points in one year. Center (KESK) and right (KOK) political forces seem to be the winners of the current situation. Particularly, the conservatives might benefit from a professional leadership in a time where security guarantees of the country are shaken. For the coming months, one political matter will influence support for political parties: the adhesion of Finland to NATO.

France

SOCIETY
France is the second-most populous country in the EU after Germany with a little bit less than 70 million of inhabitants (2021). Since the 2000s France’s population is slightly increasing on a continuous basis (+ 300.000 inhabitants on average per year). This increase is due to one of the most important fertility rates in Europe. In France, the proportion of the population with an immigration background is one of the biggest in Europe. Migration comes predominantly from North Africa and West Sub-Saharan Africa which can be explained in general by historical links. Secularism (laïcité) has greatly influenced the societal developments of the French Republic. Religion is no more an important societal feature in terms of numbers as only around 40% declare themselves as Christians which is the most important religious group in France. However, religion came back in the first plan of political debates when it comes to Islam (which is the religion that Is practiced- with various intensity- by more than 5% of the population and there Is a smaller group of Muslim cultural background) these past years. In effect, France hosts the largest Muslim community in Western Europe. When it comes to the EU, the French population has a rather lukewarm approach to the EU as only around 40% of the population tend to trust the European Union according to the 2021 Eurobarometer, which is the second-lowest score after Greece. A small note of optimism is that the French population seems to have gained a bit of confidence in the EU during the COVID19 pandemic (+ almost 10 points in favor). At the same time, the confidence towards the euro currency is relatively high as 70% of the population supports it. Moreover, only the minority of French people endorse the idea that France could better face the future outside of the EU.
ECONOMY
Like other countries of the EU, France has been greatly affected by the financial and economic crisis that affected Europe after 2008. In fact, the French economy has experienced an important stagnation as GDP growth per year has never peaked at more than 2,2% since 2007. At the same time, French has been importantly disturbed by the sanitary crisis as the country experiences a serious recession in 2020. However, expectations are rather good for the upcoming years. When it comes to public debt, the situation of France is rather alarming as it already reached almost 100% of GDP before the crisis and approaches now 120% (2021). The unemployment rate which is high in France for many decades as the country is facing structural unemployment (close to 10%).
POLITICS
During the 2017 elections (presidential and parliamentary), France saw the fall of traditional parties both from the left (Socialist Party) and the right (The Republicans) that dominated the political scene for many decades. Since 2017, France is ruled by President Emmanuel Macron and the centrist political party La République en Marche (Republic Forward!) and its allies. After the elections, the presidential party moved to the right. Meanwhile, the far-right National Rally headed by Marine Le Pen which is shifting to the center constitutes its main rival. The tendency might remained for the Presidential election as Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen headed to the second round. However, it has to be noticed than a well-known political actor has experienced a bigger support than expected: Jean Luc Melenchon from the extreme left. Such tripolarization of French politics will remain for the general elections. While the extreme left managed to attract Greens and other left political forces in a coalition, traditional right might join forces with Macron’s En Marche to beat other extremists from the right. Center is expected to win and rule France for another 5 years. However, extremist parties are inexorably gaining support in France. In the first round of the Presidential election, it has to be mentioned that more than 60% of the French voted for Eurosceptic candidates while at the same time abstention is raising, illustrating discontentment of French people towards current politics. One thing appear likely: the next few moths will likely lead French politics to proceed with a large recomposition of left and right forces. More generally, the political climate remains tensed as political debates are more and more polarized and violent. The mass protests organized by Yellow Jackets that erupted in 2018, might remerge in a near future.

Germany

SOCIETY
Germany’s population is 83 million and has increased very modestly since the beginning of the 21st century. More than one-fourth of Germans have at least one parent born abroad. The largest communities with an immigrant background in Germany are people from Turkey, Poland, Russia, and Kazakhstan, including many German repatriates. In recent years the number of people from the Middle East (Syria, Iraq) and Afghanistan increased considerably. Religion plays a rather limited role in the social life of the country, maintaining a bigger influence in the southern and western parts of the country. Nowadays around two-thirds of the German population identify as Christians, about half of them being Roman Catholics and almost half belongs to the Lutheran Church. Muslims constitute today around 7% of the population. Germans belong to the most Euro-enthusiastic nations in the EU. The great majority of Germans (more than 80%) support the Eurozone. More than three-fourths of Germans do not agree with the idea that Germany could better face the future outside of the EU. However, the level of trust in the EU in Germany is almost the same as the EU’s average, namely a substantial minority (almost 45%) tend not to trust the Union.
ECONOMY
Germany is the largest economy of the EU and one of the biggest exporters in the world which according to the EC, distinguishes itself by strong innovativeness and a high national income. After the global crisis (2008-2009) Germany experienced several years of solid growth but the economy slowed down decisively in 2018-2019. The recession in 2020 (almost 5%) caused by the pandemic was not severe and projections suggest that the economy will rapidly resurge in a short-term perspective. General government gross debt oscillates around 70% of GDP. Unemployment remains on a very low level (4%).
POLITICS
Christian Democratic Union and Christian Social Union (CDU/CSU) has been ruling the country from 2005 to 2021. Under the premiership of Angela Merkel, CDU/CSU remained for many years the most popular political party in the country.General elections in 2021 marked a dramatic defeat for the party, gaining only 23% forcing the party to go to opposition and rebuid itself. The coalition is now a 3 party coalition between the Greens, the Liberals and the Left under the leadership of Chancellor Olaf Scholtz. Extremist forces from both left and right seem to be contrained in Germany. Two key factors for the coming months and years in Germany will be the ability of coalition partners to cooperate and of CDU/CSU to play its role of main opposition party while being able to propose an alternate project for the country. The Russian war in Ukraine might have important consequences on the political scene as the popularity of the government and of Chancellor Scholz are being questioned both at national and European level.

Greece

SOCIETY
Greece has a population of slightly over 10,6 million people. Since 2010 its population has been however in decline. It has lost since then almost 500 thousand inhabitants. This decline of the population has been especially caused by the difficult economic crisis that Greece experienced in the past decade. It provoked a huge migration from the country. The great majority of the citizens of Greece are ethnically Greek (around 95%) while the Muslim community living mostly in Thrace comprising around 1% of the population represents the only officially recognized minority. Immigrants constitute more than 12% of the Greek population. They are mostly Albanians and people from the Black Sea region. Religion is still an important societal feature as almost 95% of the population declare themselves as Christians, mainly Orthodox. Regarding the trust in the EU, it decreased dramatically after 2009 because Greece has experienced a disastrous financial and economic crisis. It is slowly recovering but remains well below the EU’s average as Greeks are the most distrustful population in the EU towards the Union, according to the Eurobarometer, with slightly more than 35% having trust in the EU. From 2020 to 2021, though, support for the EU gained 5 points. On the other hand, the support for the Euro currency Is very high, exceeding 80% and two-thirds of Greeks don’t accept the idea that the country could better face the future outside of the EU.
ECONOMY
Greece has one of the lowest GDPs PPP per capita in the EU (25th place). Its economy characterizes itself by moderate innovativeness. Because of the global economic crisis (2008-2009), Greece experienced a very serious economic depression (2008-2016). In that period the economy contracted every year average by almost 3,5%. The GDP started to recover modestly in 2017 but in 2020, Greece, whose economy is largely built around tourism, was greatly impacted by the sanitary crisis and experienced a huge decline (8%). However, projections are relatively optimistic for the years to come. Nevertheless, Greece is still suffering from important structural problems especially regarding public debt which is now peaking at 210% of GDP. At the same time, unemployment is the highest in the EU (15%). On the other hand, it Is worth reminding that in the early 2010s, unemployment was at more than 25%.
POLITICS
Until 2015 Greek political scene had been dominated for decades by conservatives (New Democracy) and socialists (PASOK). However, the economic depression brought about a dramatic decrease of support for socialists and the emergence of a new more radical political force on the left namely Syriza (GUE-NGL) which won decisively elections in 2015. However, the 2019 elections were marked by a sweeping victory of the New Democracy. The party gained almost 40% of the votes and more than 50% of parliamentary seats. Today the party enjoys the support of almost 35% of voters and Syriza’s popularity is much weaker, stabilizing at 25%. In the end, KINAL, a more traditional actor from the left might well become kingmaker for the next elections as its popularity raised recently and is now at 16%.

Hungary

SOCIETY
The population of Hungary has been decreasing year by year since the beginning of the 1980s. In the 21st century, it has fallen from 10,2 million to 9,7 million. Around 2,2 million ethnic Hungarians live in the neighboring countries (especially in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, and Ukraine). Most of them possess Hungarian citizenship. Hungary distinguishes itself in the EU by a high level of ethnic homogeneity. In the most recent micro-census conducted in 2016, almost 95% of citizens declared only the Hungarian national identity. According to the official data, the Romani people constitute the largest minority (more than 3% of the population). However, experts estimate that the number of people with a Romani background is at least two times bigger. According to Eurostat, almost 10% of inhabitants of Hungary have an immigrant background, however, most of them are ethnic Hungarians from neighbouring countries. The Hungarians are a multi-confessional nation belonging particularly to the Roman Catholic Church and to a lesser degree to the Calvinist community. The other denominations are decisively less numerous. Nevertheless, the role of religion in social life is declining (e.g., a low level of church attendance). Moreover, in the last census conducted in 2011, a huge minority of citizens (45%) did not wish to state her/his religious affiliation or did not identify with any religion. Hungarians are a strongly pro-European society. Almost 60% of Hungarians tend to trust the EU. Two-thirds reject the idea that Hungary could better face the future outside of the EU and finally almost 65% support the accession of Hungary to the Eurozone.
ECONOMY
Hungary is one of the poorest countries of the EU which after the fall of communism experienced a considerably slower pace of growth than other Central European countries. The years 2007-2012 were periods of stagnation and recession. However, the economy recovered after 2012 achieving an impressive pace of growth until 2020. The public debt increased from 60% of GDP to 80% during the crisis period but it fell to 65% in 2019. Nevertheless, because of the pandemic, it rose again and today stands at 80%. Unemployment also soared during the crisis, but it declined after 2012 to a very low level (around 4%).
POLITICS
The economic crisis that started in 2007 resulted in a sweeping victory of Fidesz in the 2010 parliamentary elections. Hungary under the rule of Fidesz experienced a profound democratic backsliding becoming the only EU member state recognized by the Freedom House as a partly free country. According to Transparency International, Hungary witnessed an unprecedented dismantling of rule law and became the most corrupted country in the EU. The ouster of the party from power in elections represents a huge challenge because the electoral system created by Fidesz is very favorable for the government. Fidesz captured all-important state institutions, and their partisan nominees will remain in power even if the party loses the elections. Nevertheless, the domination of Fidesz started to erode in recent years. Hopes were built around the opposition, especially when main opposition forces from the Left to post-fascist Jobbik allied into a united coalition under the leadership of consensual conservative figure Peter Marki Zav. However, such hopes were disappointed in general elections as Fidesz managed to get 2/3 parliamentary victory. In its side, the united opposition has been humiliated with a huge defeat (54% vs 34%). However, the war in Ukraine may lead Viktor Orban kleptocratic regime into a difficult position as the country is more and more perceived in the EU and more general in the West as a trouble maker if not a Russian trojan horse. Only time will tell if Orban chose radicalization and isolation or if he is inclined to implement moderation towards its natural partners. In any case, his dream of a united radical right at the EU level seems to have vanished while Hungary is being isolated even in the Visegrad 4 regional format.

Ireland

SOCIETY
The Republic of Ireland can be called a rather small member state of the EU as it is inhabited by 5 million inhabitants. Ireland is continuously gaining citizens since the 1960s. At that time, its population was only 2.8 million. Such evolution can be explained by the great attractivity of the Irish economy while the country was also benefitting from a higher birth rate than most of the European countries (around 2 per woman during the 2000s). Due to the economic boom, Ireland has welcomed a large number of foreigners in the last decades. As of now, Irish people make a little bit more than 80% of the total population while Poland and the United Kingdom are the most important origins of foreign citizens living in Ireland with respectively above 120.000 and 100.000 individuals (data from 2016). More generally, people from Central and Eastern Europe are making the largest proportion of foreigners in the country. Regarding religion, Catholicism is still very much a societal character that influences society as almost 90% of citizens from the Republic of Ireland identify themselves as Catholics but the church attendance has decreased dramatically in the 21st century. The Church to a large degree lost its political power. When it comes to the EU, the Irish are very Europhile as more than 90% support the EU currency, while almost 75% tend to trust the EU and only 10% assume that their country could face a better future outside of the EU.
ECONOMY
Ireland has been severely affected by the 2008 economic and financial crisis as the national economy experiences a -5% recession both in 2008 and 2009. Then, the economy recovered strongly and even reached a spectacular pace of growth in 2015 (25%) as well as +8-9% in 2017 and 2018, respectively. These incredible high percentages are explainable by the fact that in recent years, Ireland attracted numerous business companies due to its low corporation tax rates which stored intellectual property in Ireland. Despite Covid-19 Ireland experienced 3% growth in 2020. as the only EU member state. In 2021 and 2022, growth is expected to increase with 7 and 5% GDP growth forecast by the European Commission. When it comes to public debt, Ireland can be considered a success story as it managed to decrease it drastically after the global crisis from 120% to less than 60% in 2019 and the small increase experienced during the pandemic is not an issue. Regarding unemployment, the rate in Ireland remains manageable but has witnessed an increase and is now relatively high 7,5%).
POLITICS
The Irish political scene has been dominated for decades by two parties: the conservative Fine Gael (FG) and conservative-liberal Fianna Fail (FF). However, the last general elections that took place in 2020, were won by the far-left Sinn Féin which gained almost 25% of the votes (+11 points compared to the previous elections). Nevertheless, a government has been formed by a coalition between Fianna Fail and Fine Gael which also includes the Greens. FF and FG established a formal government coalition for the first time in the history of the Irish Republic. Since then, Sinn Fein has experienced a further increase of popularity exceeding 30%, while Fianna Fail and Fine Gael are polling around 20% each. If the situation seems stable for the moment, external factors and especially the consequences of Brexit on the political context in Nothern Ireland could bring important consequences in Irish national politics.

Italy

SOCIETY
Being the third most populous country in the EU, Italy has almost 60 million inhabitants (2021). After a rise in the early 2000s, the Italian population has experienced stagnation and has slowly decreased since 2014. Since then, Italy has lost around a million inhabitants. Around 90% of the population is considered Italian while almost 10 % of inhabitants have an immigrant background, more than 50% of them come from Eastern Europe (Romania, Albania, Ukraine). Most of the other immigrants are from Morocco and China. The immigrant-background population tends to live, in great majority (85%) in Northern and Central regions (which are richer). In Italy, religion is still an important societal feature as more than 80% declare themselves as Christians while only 12% claim to have no religion. The level of religious practice is one of the highest in Western Europe. When it comes to the attitude to the EU, Italians have expressed a great lack of confidence in the EU. Indeed, in the recent times of economic stagnation as well as COVID-19 crisis and the perceived lack of solidarity from EU neighbors and institutions has produced consequences on the support of the EU. However, in 2021 trust has rebounded (more than 15 points) thanks to the EU recovery package announcements for which Italy will be the most important beneficiary. However, the Italian population remains in majority distrustful towards the EU as only less than 45% of it tends to trust the European Union according to the 2021 Eurobarometer. Despite the certain improvement of confidence, a substantial minority of Italians (one-third) believes that Italy could better face the future outside of the EU. On the other hand, above 70% of the population remain in favor of the Euro currency.
ECONOMY
The GDP per capita is still lower than in 2000 and, although the volume of the growth rate of the real GDP had a peak in 2016 and 2017, the growth rate in 2018 and 2019 was respectively about 0.8% and 0.3%. Italy, as one of the most affected countries during the first wave of Covid-19, has economically suffered in 2020 with a recession of almost 10%. However, economic prospects are relatively good both for 2021 (4,5%) and 2022 (3,6%). In parallel, the Italian public debt is very high and remains a topic of concern within the EU. It is now reaching 160% of GDP. The unemployment rate rose during the pandemic and it remain high (almost 10%), particularly in the case of young people.
POLITICS
After several decades of lack of cohesion between Northern and Southern regions, it seems that political separatism has been weakened. In the past few years, Italy has experienced severe political tensions which translated into a dramatic rise of populist, sovereign, and Eurosceptic tendencies across the political spectrum. In consequence, populists from the Five Star Movement won the elections of 2018 with more than 30% of votes, and today two main far-right parties (Lega, Fratelli d’Italia) enjoy the support of more than 40% of voters and Currently, the country is governed by a technocrat Prime Minister Mario Draghi which gathered most of the Italian political forces with the objective of building a strong basis for the economic recovery of the country after the pandemic. The future of the government will depend mostly on the attitude of Lega (far right) and traditional right (Forza Italia!). Presidential elections in early 2022 proves that the current situation is comfortable for most of political actors. It might not last for long. Over the past few months, two parties seem to become the two major political forces, the Democratic Party and the Brothers of Italy. Enough to speak about possibility to come back to a traditional center-left/center-right divide. That, despite the extremism tendencies vehicle by many within Brothers of Italy party.

Latvia

SOCIETY
Latvia is considered a small country in the EU as it Is home to now more than 1,9 million inhabitants. The demographic situation in Latvia is particularly problematic, as the country has been losing constantly population since the breakup of the USSR and the restoration of its independence. As a reminder, in 1990, the population of Latvia was 2,6 million. Within this population, only slightly more than 60 of the population is ethnically Latvian. Russians with almost 25% of the total population make the second-largest community but a huge part of them do not possess Latvian citizenship. When it comes to religion, Latvia remains a highly religious country as around 80% of the population identifies itself as Christians, shared between Lutherans (35%), Catholics (25%), and Orthodox (20%), but the number of people attending religious services is very low. When it comes to the EU, the population is generally Europhile as almost 90% support the recently introduced Euro currency and more than 60% tend to trust the EU and less than 25% subscribe to the opinion that Latvia could face the future better outside of the EU.
ECONOMY
Latvia was one of the EU member-states the most severely impacted by the economic and financial crisis of 2008-2009 as its GDP growth declined for two years with a dramatically huge slump in 2009 (almost -15%). From 2010, the Baltic state experienced again a stable economic growth in the 2010s. Unfortunately, the Covid-19 sanitary crisis changed this positive tendency as the national economy plunged by more than 3,5% in 2020. Latvia has positive perspectives in 2021 (3%) and 2022 (5,5%). When it comes to public debt, Latvia has proved to be able to keep it at a very low level at around 35% even if the 2008 economic crisis has produced a sharp temporary increase. Regarding unemployment, Latvia has experienced a very positive evolution since the 2008 crisis and managed to decrease to a 6% unemployment rate in 2019. However, the situation deteriorated due to the pandemic and this rate is now around 8%.
POLITICS
Latvian contemporary politics are strongly shaped by the polarization between the social democratic „Harmony”– representing mainly the Russian minority – and most of the other parties supported by ethnic Latvians. Despite being the most popular party for many years (between 20 and 25% of votes in national elections on average) „Harmony” has been unable to form a government. In parallel, Latvian parties from the center to the far right regularly establish broad ruling coalitions – often very diverse – to avoid Harmony co-ruling the country. Most probably this trend will continue after the elections which will take place in Autumn 2022. In the 21st century, Latvia copied with one of the highest levels of corruption in the EU and the involvement of powerful oligarchs in political life, but the situation has improved in recent years. A few months before the elections, polls are of no help to guess a potential future coalition even if the party New Unity is heading towards a major reple after 2022. As a consequences of Russian War in Ukraine, the popularity of Harmonia has plunged, reaching now 12%. As a consequence the competition for entering the future governing coalition might be even more intense.

Lithuania

SOCIETY
Lithuania is a small country in the EU as its population is only 2.8 million inhabitants. Like other Baltic states, the demographic situation in Lithuania is particularly problematic as the population is in great decline since the restoration of independence in 1991. At that time population was 3.7 million. One-third of the population migrated to the EU countries and the UK. Within the population, most of the citizens are Lithuanians (around 85%). Several important national minorities live in Lithuania, the most important being the Polish one with 200.000 citizens (6,5%) followed by the Russian minority (175.000 individuals – 5,5%). In terms of foreign citizens, the most important community is Ukraine with around 15.000 individuals only. In the past year, the Belarussian community grew to some extent as many opponents decided to flee to Lithuania to escape political retaliation from Lukashenka’s regime. When it comes to religion, Lithuania remains one of the most religious countries in Europe as almost 95% of the population sees itself as Christians – 75% of them being Roman Catholics. When it comes to the EU, Lithuanians are Europhiles as 85% are in favor of the Euro currency and 70% tend to trust the EU. Nevertheless, the number of Lithuanians believing that their country could face the future better outside of the EU increased in recent times, and currently, it exceeds 25%.
ECONOMY
Lithuania has been severely but shortly impacted by the 2008 economic and financial crisis. In fact, from 2000 to 2019 Lithuania experienced only one year of economic recession. It was in 2009 with a striking -14%. Since that year, the national economy recovered successfully thanks to its capacity for innovation and resilience. From 2011 to 2019, economic growth has been always above 2% and generally around 4%. It makes the Lithuanian economy one of the most dynamic in the whole EU. Thanks to these qualities, the tendency remains during the Covid-19 crisis as Lithuania only experienced a -0,9% decline in 2020. Perspectives are rather positive as the European Commission expects a 4% and 4,5% growth in the next two years. When it comes to public debt, Lithuania has proved to be able to keep it at a very low level at around 35% even if the 2008 economic crisis has produced a sharp increase. Regarding unemployment, the situation in Lithuania is stable but the Covid sanitary situation has deteriorated this indicator as now the rate of unemployment has reached 7,5%.
POLITICS
The political system of Lithuania distinguished itself for a long time by the relatively huge popularity of two parties: the Homeland Union-Lithuanian Christian Democrats (TS-LKD), and the Social Democrats (LSDP). Nevertheless, the agrarian Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union (LVZS) gained a strong position on the political scene winning more than 20% of votes in 2016 and 2020. After the last national elections that took place in October 2020. the Homeland Union-Lithuanian Christian Democrats (TS-LKD) established a government coalition with two liberal parties which performed particularly well, gaining in total more than 15% of votes. The current political situation in Lithuania has already evolved as the internal situation is tensed due to both migration crisis at the border with Belarus and Covid-19 restrictions. A brief look at the polls shows that the coalition already lost some support, especially the liberal parties, and that the two main opposition parties are rising in the polls, particularly LSDP. Since the last days of 2021, the situation is even more complicated a new party entered the game 'Democrats for Lithuania’, result of internal crisis within LSDP and now polling on similar levels with the former and higher than TS-LKD.

Luxembourg

SOCIETY
Luxembourg is one of the smallest countries in Europe with only around 600.000 inhabitants. However, the country is experiencing a very important increase in its population as it gained around 200.000 inhabitants since 2000 (1/3 of its population). A very simple explanation is that Luxembourg as a very rich country is attracting EU citizens, namely Portuguese (100.000), French (40.000), or Italians (20.000). In total, Luxembourgish people represent only a little bit more than 50% of the total population of the country. It is worth noting that the country has three official languages: Luxembourgish, French, and German. In Luxembourg, religion remains a relatively important societal feature as still about 75% of the population describes itself as a Christian (mainly Roman Catholics). When it comes to the European Union, the population from Luxembourg is Europhile as 55% tend to trust the EU and 90% (one of the most important score) trust the euro currency and 75% reject the idea that Luxemburg could better face the future outside of the EU.
ECONOMY
Luxembourg is the richest country in the EU in terms of GDP per capita thanks to its economy being largely composed of banking and other financial activities. For this reason, the Luxembourgish economy greatly suffered from the 2008-2009 economic crisis but was able to recover quite well in the successive years with economic growth of around 4,0% for example between 2013 and 2016. In 2020, the COVID-19 made limited damage to the national economy (less than -1,5%) and has great prospects for the coming two years (around +4,0%). In parallel, the Luxembourgish general gross government debt stays manageable under 30% and the unemployment is maintained at the level of around 5%.
POLITICS
The center-right Christian Social People’s Party (CSV) was the most popular party in the country for many decades. The CSV headed most coalition governments after the Second World War. It won also the last general elections in Luxembourg that took place in 2018. However, Luxembourg has been ruled since 2013 by what is called a “Gambian coalition” made of center-left parties. When it comes to the current polls (which are conducted rarely), it seems that the CSV is still losing support as it is now polling at 15% while the two ruling parties (liberals and socialists) poll respectively at 9% and 12%. In parallel, two minor political actors are rising, polling at 7%: ADR (ECR) and the national Pirate party. Next general elections in 2023 seem a year before the vote highly unpredictable.

Malta

SOCIETY
Malta is the smallest state in the EU when it comes to the population as it is home to only 500.000 inhabitants. However, its population is on a constant rise since the 1970s when the country had only 300.000 citizens. Within its current population, the vast majority of citizens are native Maltese (more than 80%) while most foreigners originate from Europe and have been established in the country for many decades (especially people from the United Kingdom and Italy). The most important non-European community is made of Libyans (less than 5.000 individuals). In terms of religion, Catholicism is highly predominant as 90% of the population identify with this religion. When it comes to the EU, the population of Malta is greatly Euro-enthusiastic as around 65% of the Maltese people tend to trust the EU while more than 75% support the EU currency. Finally, a tiny minority assumes that their country could face better the future outside of the EU.
ECONOMY
Unlike many other Southern economies, the Maltese economy has been moderately impacted by the economic and financial crisis which affected Europe in the 2000s. The country only knew negative growth in 2009 (-1%). In the 2010s, the Maltese economy experienced convenient growth, always at least +5% each year. However, the country suffered heavily from the Covid-19 sanitary crisis as the economy went down to 7% in 2020. Perspectives for 2021 and 2022 are very promising as the European Commission is expecting rapid growth at respectively more than 4,5% and above 6%, respectively. When it comes to public debt, Malta achieved an important success by slashing it to less than 45% of GDP after several years when it was at around 70%. Unfortunately, due to Covid-19, public debt in Malta increased to a higher level at 55% but remains manageable. Regarding, unemployment, Malta achieved to keep it low even during the sanitary crisis as it is reaching now around 4%.
POLITICS
The political system of Malta is bi-partisan dominated by two parties: the centre-left Labour Party (MLP) and the centre-right Nationalist Party. No Eurosceptic party enjoys a relevant influence on the political scene. The last general elections were held in 2017 and saw the victory of the Labour Party (55%) and its leader Joseph Muscat – who is the current Prime Minister. In fact, Muscat is Prime Minister since 2013. Meanwhile, the Nationalist Party held power from 1998 to 2013. As of today, MLP remains far ahead of its main opponent, while no party seems to break this duopoly for the moment and for the years to come. In 2022 general elections, there was no surprise as the political system remains centered around two forces and dominated by the Labour Party (55%) over the Nationalist Party (42%).

Poland

SOCIETY
Poland with 38 million inhabitants is the fifth most populous country in the EU. Its population has decreased very slightly since the beginning of the 21st century. Poland is ethnically and religiously a very homogenous country. In the most recent census, around 97% of citizens identified themselves as ethnic Poles and around 90% declared themselves as religious belonging mostly to the Roman Catholic Church which possesses still a huge influence in the social and political life of the country. Immigration to Poland has only picked up recently and the number of immigrants accounts for around 3% of the entire population. Most migration is temporary and originates from Ukraine. Poles reject massively the exit from the EU but their attitude towards the EU has become much less unequivocally positive. According to the most recent standard Eurobarometer (Spring 2021), almost 40% of Poles do not trust the EU and believe that Poland could better face the future outside of the EU. A slightly smaller group is for the Eurozone, though the most recent flash Eurobarometer (Sumer 2021) suggests a considerable increase of support for the introduction of the euro among Poles. However, this trend must be confirmed by subsequent opinion polls.
ECONOMY
Poland has experienced a spectacular and uninterrupted period of growth between 1992 and 2020. The pandemic crisis did not hit severely Poland. Its economy contracted only by less than 3%. Moreover, according to various projections, it will witness a robust recovery in the coming years. General government gross debt is low, slightly exceeding 55% of GDP and unemployment remains one of the lowest in the EU (4%). . However, Poland remains a rather poor country among member states of the EU (20th place regarding GDP PPP per capita).
POLITICS
The political life of Poland has been shaped in the 21st century by a very deep political polarization between the right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) and the center Civic Platform (PO). However, the political system underwent a structural change after PiS won the 2015 election and established for the first time in the history of Poland a single-party government. Its candidate (Andrzej Duda) gained also presidential elections, while the president in Poland has considerable competencies. In consequence, Poland experienced an unparalleled deterioration of its democracy. According to the ranking „Freedom in the World” powered by Freedom House, an American foundation, today Poland finds itself on the verge of becoming a partly free country. Nevertheless, currently, PiS has a very tiny and fragile majority in the parliament and its popularity decreased substantially in opinion polls. In effect, snap elections should not be excluded. In effect, the opposition may defeat the ruling party in the next elections which should take place at the latest in 2023. However, should the opposition win, most probably it would still require until 2025 a three-fifths majority of MPs, to overturn a presidential veto. Moreover, PiS has subdued in recent years illegally the Constitutional Court which will challenge a new government. As a border country with Ukraine, Poland is very much impacted by the war, especially because millions of Ukrainian refugees were welcomed in the country. If political fights have been reduced over the first weeks of the conflict, polarization might strike again, stronger then ever. As for the moment, the crisis seems to be beneficial to PiS.

Portugal

SOCIETY
Portugal is a mid-sized country inhabited by 10,3 million inhabitants. Since 2010 though the population is in a slight decline as the country has lost almost 300.000 inhabitants. In 2020, around 650.000 individuals were considered foreigners, representing more than 5% of the total population. Among them, the largest contingent comes from Brazil followed by Cape Verde and Romania. In Portugal, religion is still an important societal feature as around 85% of the Portuguese declare themselves Christians (mainly Roman Catholics). When it comes to the EU, the Portuguese population is radically Euro-enthusiastic as almost 80 % of the population tends to trust the European Union according to the 2021 Eurobarometer. Even more Portuguese people reject the idea that Portugal could better face the future outside of the EU. Finally, 95% of the population is in favor of the Euro currency, which is the highest score in the whole EU.
ECONOMY
Portugal’s GDP PPP per capita is considerably below the EU’s average and it resembles Poland’s one. Portugal has been severely affected by the economic crisis that hit Europe in 2008, causing a long period of recession and stagnation between 2008 and 2014. Since 2014, the economy has recovered but the pace of growth has not been very impressive. Portugal was again hit very hard by the COVID-19 sanitary crisis, which provoked a striking downturn (-7,5%). However, in the short-term perspective, the pace of growth of the Portuguese economy should recover to the previous level. At the same time, public debt remains a huge challenge. It has peaked at almost 130% of GDP in recent years. Finally, unemployment is still relatively high compared to many EU economies oscillating around 7%.
POLITICS
The Portuguese political scene has been for decades dominated by socialists and Christian democrats (Social Democratic Party) which enjoy the support of around 60-70% of the electorate. In the 21st century, Portugal has been ruled mostly by socialists. Portugal distinguishes itself by a relatively good performance of far-left parties which won more than 15% in the last elections. Until 2019, Portugal was a member of a small group of European Union countries without representatives of the far-right in its parliaments. However, Chega, a far-right party established in 2019, entered the parliament and its popularity Is on the rise. In 2021, socialists and far-left tensions in the government led to calling early election in 2022. PM Costa was reconfirmed after a stunning vitory of the Left (41,5%).

Romania

SOCIETY
Romania should be recognized as a mid-sized country in the EU as its population does not exceed 20 million. However, as in most Central and Eastern European countries, Romania is suffering greatly from depopulation as people tend to emigrate more and more to Western Europe (Spain, Italy, Germany, Greece). Indeed, at the beginning of the 1990s, Romania was inhabited by more than 23 million people. Romanians compromise 85-90% of the total population of the country. Gypsies which, mostly identify themselves as Romanians in official censuses represent in fact the largest minority. In the last census, 600 thousand citizens declared Romani identity. According to estimations the number of people of Romani/Gypsy origin- at least partially- might even exceed two million. It is the largest- in absolute numbers and proportionally- Gypsy community in Europe. In the last census, almost 1,3 million people described themselves as Hungarians making up to 6% of the total population. Other small national minorities include inter alia Ukrainians, Tatars, Turks, and Germans. President Klaus Iohannis is the most symbolic representation of this community. The main immigrants are people from Moldova who often perceive themselves as Romanians. When it comes to religion, Romania remains one of the most religious countries in Europe as more than 90% of the population sees itself as Christians – more than 80% of them being Orthodox. Society distinguishes itself by the high level of religiosity and social conservatism. When it comes to the EU, Romanians are rather Europhiles. Almost 60% of them tend to trust the EU and 35% do not. 55% of them support the Euro currency and slightly more than 30% reject it. Finally, more than 35% of them assume that their country could face the future better outside of the EU.
ECONOMY
In Romania, the 2008 economic and financial crisis put a stop to the period of very dynamic economic growth which the country experienced in the 2000s. For several years, the annual growth was between 7 and 10%. However, in 2009, the national economy went down by 5,5% and in 2010 suffered again the recession (-5%). In 2011 the country returned on the path of growth, while 2015-2019 became again the golden age of Romania’s economy. However, like other countries, Romania suffered in 2020, with a limited but important 4% decline. Nevertheless, the European Commission made projections for Romania which look optimistic (6% growth in 2021 and 4% in 2022). When it comes to public debt, Romania is among the EU member states which have a limited one. Although the Covid-19 crisis negatively impacted the level of public debt, it is still around 50%. Regarding unemployment, despite the pandemic, it has been stabilized around 6%.
POLITICS
Since Romania joined the European Union in 2007, it has experienced a chaotic political life but gradually two parties emerged as the strongest players: the center-right National Liberal Party (PNL) and the Social-Democrat Party (PSD). The country copies with a high level of corruption but under the pressure of the EU and especially a resilient civil society many top-level politicians and officials- particularly Social Democrats- involved in corruption scandals were convicted or at least lost power. Popular discontentment was translated into ballots in December 2020 bringing to power the National Liberal Party (PNL), a liberal alliance USR-PLUS and a party of the Hungarian minority. However, USR-PLUS left the government after nine months. Currently, in the polls, PSD is on the rise (35 % in comparison to almost 30% in elections 2020). In parallel, PNL has lost 5% (20% currently) and the support of the USR-PLUS alliance is also declining. At the same time, the nationalist and soft Eurosceptic party called Alliance for the Unity of the Romanians (AUR) has reached a hish in polling at around 17%. It won almost 10% in 2020, while in the 2010s, no relevant Eurosceptic or nationalist party was active in the country (the party seems however to have suffered since the War in Ukraine). As for now PNL and PSD are cooperating in a new government but uncertainty remains on how long this situation can sustain.

Slovakia

SOCIETY
The population of Slovakia approaches 5,5 million and has increased slightly since the beginning of the 21st century. Around 80% of citizens are ethnic Slovaks. Hungarians compromising almost 10% of the population constitute the largest national minority. Roma people, which, mostly declared themselves in censuses as Slovaks make more than 5% of the population. According to opinion polls conducted by Pew Research Centre, the attitude of Slovak society towards Roma people is very negative. The Slovaks are highly pro-European. Only slightly above 15% of them believe that Slovakia could better face the future outside of the EU. Even less of them have a negative approach towards the Eurozone. However, a huge group of Slovaks (almost 45%) tends not to trust the EU.
ECONOMY
Slovakia belongs to a group of the poorest EU member states (22nd place concerning GDP PPP per capita), but its economy performed relatively strongly between 2010 and 2019. The public debt does not represent a serious problem because it does not exceed 65% of GDP. On the other hand, unemployment in Slovakia is one of the highest in Central Europe. It oscillates around 7%.
POLITICS
The Slovak political scene was dominated by the populist social democratic party SMER between 2006 and 2020. In 2018 the party was severely weakened by mass social protests that were a reaction to the murder of Jan Kuciak a journalist investigating tax fraud of businessmen linked to top-level Slovak politicians. In consequence, the government resigned and in 2020 SMER lost elections and split into two political forces. One of them HLAS (Voice) is today a mojorpolitical actor in the country (2o%). Slovakia is ruled today by a wide center right multi-party coalition including also soft Eurosceptics. The coalition remains fragile while since 2021 Fico and SMER_SD have made their come-back, building popularity on anti-Vax movement with the support of ultra-nationalist political forces. However, Justice is now chasing important political figures from SMER-SD, including former Prime Minister Fico. Their rise could be then stopped but could also radicalize a part of the population.

Slovenia

SOCIETY
Slovenia is considered a small country in the EU with a population of 2 million. However, contrary to most CEE countries, Slovenia is not losing its population. In fact, compared to the beginning of the 1990s, at the time of Yugoslavia’s breakup and independence, the Slovenian population is larger. Regarding foreign population, Slovenia is hosting a great number of people of Western Balkan origin, especially from Bosnia, Kosovo, and Serbia. Overall, Slovenians make around 85% of the total population. Most Slovenians identify with Roman Catholicism, but the level of religiosity is low. When it comes to the EU, Slovenians can be considered Europhiles as 95% support the euro currency. 55% trust the EU, while 45% do not.
However, almost 40% believe that Slovenia could face a better future outside of the EU.
ECONOMY
While Slovenia experienced a stable growth before and after its adhesion to the EU in 2004, the 2008 financial and economic crisis has produced important and negative consequences on its growth until at least 2014. As a reminder, in 2009 its annual GDP was -8%. The situation became better in the mid-2010s while growth came back to the level of around 3%. Unfortunately, the Covid-19 crisis stroked the country and the GDP in 2020 reached -5.5%. However, expectations for the Slovenian economy are not bad in the coming years as the European Commission is expecting 6% (2021) and 5% (2022). When it comes to public debt, once again, 2008-2009 has strongly impacted Slovenia. While public debt was around 20% before the crisis, it peaked at more than 80%. Slovenia proved able to reduce it slowly until 2020 when it decreased to 65%. Unfortunately, the pandemic reversed this positive trend and public debt surged again to 80%. Regarding unemployment (around 5%), the situation is under control in Slovenia.
POLITICS
Slovenia has been experiencing for many years a highly polarized political climate between right and left parties and unstable political life. In 2018, during the last general elections, current right-wing PM Janes Janša’s party Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS) proved to be the most popular in the country with almost 25% of the votes. However, this party being isolated at the time was not able to form a coalition. Hence, Marjan Sarec list (LMS) allied with four political parties from the left to the center and established a short-lived government. After its collapse caused by internal struggles, Janša formed a governmental alliance with center and right parties at the beginning of 2020, but it lost its majority in 2021. Currently, the government depends on MPs of a small nationalistic party and representatives of national minorities, but even with them, it can count on 50% of deputies. Janša openly declares that he wants to emulate Orban’s Hungary. He is criticized for attacks against journalists both at home and at the European level. SDS is still the most popular party in the country and is now polling at around 25% of decided voters. While everyone was expecting as duel in the 2022 national elections with Left/far-left political forces (Social Democrats and Levica), a new actor gathering green political forces, Freedom Movement has irrupted in the political game in 2021. This party led by newcomer Robert Golob managed to win the elections and form a government. 2022 elections also allowed a rocomposition of the Slovene political scene as only 5 parties managed to pass the electoral threshold (compare to 9 in the previous mandate). Such recomposiotion could be beneficial to the maturation of Slovene democracy. On its side, the still popular SDS will have the possibility to regenerate itself in the opposition. With or without Janša.

Spain

SOCIETY
Being the fourth most populous country in the EU, Spain has 47 million inhabitants (2021). Its population has been stagnating since the 2010s after a rise of 5 million inhabitants during the first decade of the 21st century. As of 2021, around 85% of the population is Spanish while among the 15% of the population is foreign-born, around 40% are from Latin America (Columbia, Ecuador, and Venezuela being the most represented), 15% from North Africa (especially Morocco) and 15% from Eastern Europe (mostly Romania). In Spain, religion is still a relatively important societal feature as more than 60% declare themselves as Christians while 35% do not have any religion (2020). Nevertheless, religious practice decreased dramatically in recent decades. Around 25% of Spanish people are speakers of Catalan, Galician, Basque and other languages. When it comes to the EU, the Spanish population is rather Euro-enthusiastic. According to the 2021 Eurobarometer, the great majority (above 75%) rejects the idea that Spain could better face the future outside of the EU. At the same time, more than 85% of the population is in favor of the Euro currency. Finally, more than 50% of the population tend to trust the European Union and less than 40% do not trust it.
ECONOMY
Spain has been severely affected by the economic crisis that hit the EU in 2008-2009, causing a long period of stagnation. However, compared to other European countries, since 2014 Spain has made a great recovery. Spain’s real GDP grew by around 3% from 2016 to 2019. Evidently, the Covid-19 crisis has affected this positive trend as Spain experienced a huge recession in 2020 (-10%). However, economic prospects are optimistic for Spain in the coming years with a rebound of more than 6% in 2021 and more than 4% in 2022. At the same time, the public debt remains high (120% of the GDP in 2021). The same considerations can be made concerning unemployment which is still one of the highest rates in the EU (above 15%), particularly among youth and women.
POLITICS
Spain is composed of 17 autonomous communities and two autonomous cities with varying degrees of autonomy. Nevertheless, its Constitution, explicitly states the indivisible unity of the Spanish nation. Spanish politics has been greatly affected by Catalunya’s separatism which peaked in 2017 with the illegal Declaration of Independence. In 2021, Spanish PM Sanchez has eventually graced several independentist leaders. A decision that created intense political debates across the country. In the 21st century, Spain has been ruled by the center-right People’s Party (2000-2004 and 2011-2018) and the Socialists (2004-2011, 2018-). The economic crisis after 2009 resulted in a huge rise of support for the far-left (Podemos) but its popularity has decreased in recent years. Meanwhile, the Catalonian crisis has contributed to the increase of support for the Popular Party and far-right VOX (ECR). 2022 partial regional elections illustrated these tendencies while a coalition at the national level between these parties appear more and more possible. However, the internal crisis at PP make predictions for forthcoming general elections (2023) even more difficult. In parallel, Sanchez and the PSOE seem to keep important popularity and defeat is anything but certain. A recent affair of espionage – both against Catalan leaders and Prime Minister Sanchez – has been revealed and could affect Spanish politics in the coming months.

Sweden

SOCIETY
Sweden has almost 10.5 million inhabitants and is experiencing – contrary to many other EU member states a rise in its population. Since 2000, Sweden has gained almost 1,5 million inhabitants. This rise is partly due to the arrival of immigrants. According to statistics, around 25% of inhabitants in Sweden have a migrant background and every third has at least one parent born abroad. It is one of the highest indicators in the EU. In Sweden, religion is still a relatively important societal feature as 60% declare themselves as Christians (2017). The great majority of them are Lutherans. People of Muslim background constitute more than 8% of Sweden’s inhabitants. The attitude of Swedish people towards the EU has improved considerably in recent years. Today, almost 60% of Swedes trust the EU. Moreover, only 30% of Swedes believe that Sweden could better face the future outside the EU. On the other hand, around 75% are against the euro currency as of today.
ECONOMY
Sweden belongs to the most developed and richest countries in the EU. According to the EC, Sweden has the most innovative economy among the EU-27. Since the 2008’s economic crisis, the Swedish economy has experienced convenient growth (2-3%). Simultaneously, Stockholm has managed to maintain a general gross government debt on a low level (40% of GDP). Before the Covid pandemic, unemployment was below 7% but it raised to 9%.
POLITICS
Since 1996, Sweden has been mostly governed by minority governments. Between 1996 and 2006 Sweden was ruled by Social Democrats and between 2006 and 2014 by center-right. Since 2014, Sweden has been ruled by a minority government of Swedish Social Democrats and Greens. Upcoming parliamentary elections will take place in September 2022. Taking into consideration current opinion polls, probably, the elections will bring the change of government due to a substantial shift of political sympathies to the right. The rise of the far-right after 2010 was the most important factor influencing developments on the Swedish political scene. Still, and despite tensions over the past few months including the fall of Lovfen government, the Left might also be able to remain in power. In April, some tensions occurred across Sweden putting back the question of migrants integration as a leading societal topic. Such developments could have an an impact on 2022 general elections.

The Netherlands

SOCIETY
The Netherlands is considered a mid-sized country as it gathers now more than 17,5 million inhabitants. Since Second World War, the population has grown continuously starting from less than 10 million. In the past few decades, The Netherlands has become a receiving country in terms of immigration. Currently, Dutch still constitute 75% of the entire population while 4,5 million of the citizens are considered foreigners mostly originating from Turkey and Morocco with people of these backgrounds comprising in total around 800.000 people, followed by Suriname and Indonesia with both 350.000 individuals. Among foreigners, a large amount of them is also from within the EU, particularly from Germany (350.000), Poland (200.000), and Belgium (120.000). The Netherlands is not a very religious country as more than 50% of the citizens declare to have no religion. The most represented religion is Christianism (almost 40%). When it comes to the EU, The Netherlands are Europhiles as more than 60% tend to trust the EU and 85% support the euro currency. Moreover, only 15% of them assume that their country could face a better future outside of the EU.
ECONOMY
The Netherlands has been strongly impacted by the economic and financial crisis which struck Europe after 2008. If the national economy suffered moderately in 2009 (-3,5%), the economy has experienced a long and difficult time for several years (2009-2013). Nevertheless, its economy recovered after 2014 and experienced a solid growth (around 2%) until 2020. The Covid did not hit severely the Netherlands. The economic rebound in the next two years will be relatively strong at almost 3.5% according to the European Commission’s forecasting. When it comes to public debt, the Netherlands has proved to be able through the years to keep it under control at around 50% even if the pandemic has had some consequences on it as it is now reaching 55%. Regarding unemployment, once again, the rate is low (around 4%)
POLITICS
In the 2021 elections, PM Mark Rutte and his liberal party The People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD) won more than 20% of votes for a fourth time in a row – despite political scandals.
Rutte has been occupying the post of prime minister since 2010. However, no government has been formed for six months since the elections. Seven parties representing a wide scope of various political ideologies achieved results between 15 and 5%. Hence, the coalition talks are rather difficult while many parties are refusing to cooperate with Rutte and vice-versa – for various reasons. Indeed, political tensions have increased recently during the Covid-19 sanitary crisis. In the end, the coalition remained the same than previous around 4 parties (VVD, D66, CDA and CU). In addition, the rise of the far-right and Eurosceptic forces is contained, their popularity cannot be neglected. Such forces will continue to play a role in Dutch politics.